Contesting the City

Author(s):  
Christian D. Liddy

The political narrative of late medieval English towns is often reduced to the story of the gradual intensification of oligarchy, in which power was exercised and projected by an ever smaller ruling group over an increasingly subservient urban population. This book takes its inspiration not from English historiography, but from a more dynamic continental scholarship on towns in the southern Low Countries, Germany, and France. Its premise is that scholarly debate about urban oligarchy has obscured contemporary debate about urban citizenship. It identifies from the records of English towns a tradition of urban citizenship, which did not draw upon the intellectual legacy of classical models of the ‘citizen’. This was a vernacular citizenship, which was not peculiar to England, but which was present elsewhere in late medieval Europe. It was a citizenship that was defined and created through action. There were multiple, and divergent, ideas about citizenship, which encouraged townspeople to make demands, to assert rights, and to resist authority. This book exploits the rich archival sources of the five major towns in England—Bristol, Coventry, London, Norwich, and York—in order to present a new picture of town government and urban politics over three centuries. The power of urban governors was much more precarious than historians have imagined. Urban oligarchy could never prevail—whether ideologically or in practice—when there was never a single, fixed meaning of the citizen.

Author(s):  
Christian D. Liddy

This chapter is about urban constitutional politics. There was, in a concrete sense, a politics of the constitution. The appearance of formal, written constitutions was an expression of a peculiarly urban identity in late medieval Europe. The chapter explores how, why, and with what consequences written constitutions were produced. The main argument is that written constitutions were an attempt to resolve the inherent tensions within a tradition of urban citizenship. Ultimately, urban politics were about the town constitution as a material object, in the same way that, as previous chapters have shown, they involved struggles over space, time, and communication.


Author(s):  
Virginia Cox

It has often been asserted that medieval culture was little concerned with politics as a practical application for rhetoric, at least outside the city republics of central and northern Italy. This chapter argues that robust and self-conscious traditions of political eloquence were more widespread in late medieval Europe than is generally thought, especially following the development of parliaments from the thirteenth century onward. The point is illustrated through a discussion of the speech cultures of the parliaments of Catalonia-Aragon and England. More broadly, the chapter argues that new methodologies are needed to make medieval political rhetoric more historically visible. Nonverbal eloquence must be studied alongside verbal, and it must be recognized that medieval political eloquence is often profoundly nonclassical in form and frequently deploys religious language that may disguise its political intent to the modern eye.


1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Howell

To many seventeenth century observers, the political role of towns in the English Civil War was clear enough. Clarendon, for example, referred to the “great towns and corporations, where besides the natural malignity, the factious lecturers and emissaries from the Parliament had poisoned the affections.” Thomas Hobbes was even more specific: “The City of London and other great towns of trade, having in admiration the prosperity of the Low Countries after they had revolted from their monarch the king of Spain were inclined to think that the like change of government here would to them produce the like prosperity.” In similar fashion, the anonymous author of the 1648 tract Persecutio Undecima saw the commercial interests of the urban areas, especially London, as one of the significant factors in the calling of the Long Parliament and the subsequent outbreak of war.


Urban History ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARC BOONE

ABSTRACT:This article examines how modern historiography has developed quite differentiated views on the way medieval cities have given expression to renewal and to creativity. ‘National’ traditions have played a highly influential role in modifying the general views articulated in the major syntheses produced by scholars such as Max Weber and Henri Pirenne at the beginning of the twentieth century. An almost jubilant way of looking at the city as the hotbed of modernity gave room, in the decades after the Great War, to pessimism and a negative view on urbanity, before a more nuanced and positive view has been re-established after World War II and in the course of recent paradigmatic changes.


Urban Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (16) ◽  
pp. 3545-3562 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Clarke ◽  
Lynda Cheshire

The article investigates how governmental responses to problems arising from urban population growth contribute to the post-political governance of cities. It does this through a case study of the city of Brisbane, Australia. Brisbane markets itself as a medium-sized metropolis that balances economic growth with a level of urban liveability not found in larger cities. Yet, there are signs that rapid population growth and consolidation are undermining liveability in some Brisbane neighbourhoods, as evidenced by a rise in urban nuisances and neighbour complaints reported to the City Council. Drawing on theories of urban post-politics, we analyse how the Council recasts these symptoms of urban overload as a ‘techno-managerial’ problem that can be addressed by improving efficiency and ‘customer focus’ within its compliance branch. This strategy both eschews political questions about the compatibility of growth and liveability, and promotes an economic and transactional conception of urban citizenship that downplays urban politics more generally. This strategy is significant as it relates to the local state’s internal administrative practices and relations with its citizens, rather than the forms of governance-beyond-the-state that are usually associated with urban post-politics. We conclude that the identification of government-centred depoliticisation strategies indicates that urban post-politics is more comprehensive and multifaceted than previously thought.


Urban History ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Hannah Serneels

Abstract Using several cities in the late medieval Southern Low Countries as a case-study, this article deals with the relation between urban space and different forms of political protest. Urban commoners were aware of the powerful symbolism of certain places in the late medieval city and used that to their advantage during large-scale revolts. Yet the use of space was not limited to the dramatic occupations during these revolts. This article uncovers a wide range of strategies and tactics that common people used to act within given spaces to make their resistance possible. A spatial analysis of several instances of large- and smaller-scale resistance shows that space was intrinsically connected with how and when any form of resistance developed in late medieval cities. As such, the article aims to contribute to the literature on the importance of space in late medieval urban politics, in which attention to smaller-scale practices has been very limited.


Author(s):  
Joana Sequeira ◽  
Flávio Miranda

With the development of research in economic history, historians are now testing the hypothesis that maritime networks and port cities contributed to the phenomenon of European integration. This essay applies a holistic approach to discuss how the city of Lisbon, located outside the privileged setting of multi-cultural interactions that was the Mediterranean Sea, became appealing to merchants from far and wide in late-medieval Europe. To do so, it examines a whole array of commercial, normative, fiscal, royal and judicial sources from European archives to discuss if it is possible to observe this phenomenon of European integration in fifteenth-century Lisbon.


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