Coalition Governance in Central Eastern Europe

Coalitions among political parties govern most of Europe’s parliamentary democracies. Traditionally, the study of coalition politics has been focused on Western Europe. Coalition governance in Central Eastern Europe brings the study of the full coalition life-cycle to a region that has undergone tremendous political transformation, but which has not been studied from this perspective. The volume covers Bulgaria, Estonia, the Czech Republic, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. It provides information and analyses of the cycle, from pre-electoral alliances to coalition formation and portfolio distribution, governing in coalitions, the stages that eventually lead to a government termination, and the electoral performance of coalition parties. In Central Eastern Europe, few single-party cabinets form and there have been only a few early elections. The evidence provided shows that coalition partners in the region write formal agreements (coalition agreements) to an extent that is similar to the patterns that we find in Western Europe, but also that they adhere less closely to these contracts. While the research on Western Europe tends to stress that coalition partners emphasize coalition compromise and mutual supervision, there is more evidence of ‘ministerial government’ by individual ministers and ministries. There are also a few coalition governance systems that are heavily dominated by the prime minister. No previous study has covered the full coalition life-cycle in all of the ten countries with as much detail. Systematic information is presented in 10 figures and in more than one hundred tables.

Author(s):  
Torbjörn Bergman ◽  
Gabriella Ilonszki ◽  
Wolfgang C. Müller

This volume analyses the coalition life-cycle in ten countries in Central Eastern Europe, from pre-electoral alliances to government formation and portfolio distribution, to governing in coalitions, the events that eventually lead to a government termination, and electoral performance of coalition parties. This final chapter summarizes the main patterns of coalition politics and compares among the ten countries. In terms of the three models of coalition governance Hungary comes closest to the Dominant Prime Minister Model, Lithuania and Latvia approach the Ministerial Government Model, and Slovenia comes closest to the Coalition Compromise Model. The chapter also discusses how these findings contrast with the general patterns known from the literature on coalition politics in Western Europe. A few of the patterns of coalition politics are similar, including the relative frequency of different types of coalition governments and the increase and spread of the use of coalition governance mechanisms, such as written coalition contracts. Other features are more distinct: there have been fewer single-party governments and there is a stronger tendency to the Ministerial Government Model than in Western Europe. Over time, processes of learning and adjustment to coalition governance can be identified, however without a linear and general trend. Much of the change is rooted in party system changes, for instance the reversal of the initial growth of new political parties and the recent decline of the effective number of parties (ENP). While a less tangible result, the chapters also stress the role of personalities and animosities to impact coalition considerations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Torbjörn Bergman ◽  
Bäck Hanna ◽  
Hellström Johan

This chapter describes the ambitions of the volume. First, we build on the lessons from earlier studies of governments in Western and Central Eastern Europe to deepen our understanding of the coalition life cycle, covering the three stages of a government’s ‘life’, beginning with the formation process, then turning to the governance stage, and lastly turning to the final phase when governments eventually terminate. Second, we seek to capture how recent changes in the Western European party systems, which are also described here, influence the various stages of the coalition life cycle. Third, we are in particular interested in how coalition partners cooperate and make policy once a government has formed, aiming to contribute to the growing literature on the topic of coalition governance. The chapter ends with a description of the content of the volume.


Author(s):  
Wolfgang C. Muller ◽  
Torbjorn Bergman ◽  
Gabriella Ilonszki

This chapter makes the case for studying coalition politics in Central Eastern Europe (CEE). A focus on CEE not only fills a research gap in terms of geographic coverage but also opens up the opportunity of out-of-sample theory testing, mitigating the notorious large-p-small-N problem in coalition research, and extending the theoretical framework by incorporating explanatory factors particularly relevant in CEE countries. Within the coalition life-cycle coalition governance—its central stage between coalition formation and termination—is the stage which constitutes the greatest lacuna in coalition research. The main problem of coalition governance is the multi-party nature of governments, with the coalition parties often having conflicting policy preferences, desiring the same offices as their partners, and competing with each other in the next elections. This constellation may lead to conflict within and between the coalition parties, cabinet instability, and policy stalemate. Coalition builders can contain these dangers by choosing the right partners, dividing the spoils wisely, and by employing various mechanisms to manage intra-party politics and, in particular, inter-party relations (giving credibility to commitments, providing mutual information, and making decisions jointly). The resulting modes of coalition governance take three ideal-typical forms: the Ministerial Government Model, the Coalition Compromise Model, and the Dominant Prime Minister Model. Turning to the coalition-cycle in CEE, the chapter explains how the country chapters are organized, which research questions they ask, and how this relates to the extant literature on CEE coalition politics. The chapter concludes with highlighting some of the books’ main findings.


Subject Looming demographic decline in Central-Eastern Europe. Significance The populations of Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) are declining because of emigration and low birth rates, the region’s population being set to fall until 2050 by an average of 0.5% a year. With the working-age population falling even faster, the demographic crisis raises questions about the region’s growth model, which has relied heavily on integrating its pool of lower-cost labour into European supply chains. Impacts Internal imbalances will worsen, with less economically successful regions disproportionately affected, some facing severe depopulation. Population ageing could exacerbate CEE’s turn towards populism, particularly as its pensioners are often among the less well-off. Rising CEE labour costs will push up producer prices in Western Europe, many of whose manufacturers rely on CEE production or suppliers.


Author(s):  
Anders Backlund ◽  
Alejandro Ecker ◽  
Thomas M. Meyer

This chapter introduces the economic and political context in Central Eastern Europe (CEE) at the wake of the democratic transition. It compares these circumstances to those in Western Europe and then goes on to trace the political and economic development of CEE since the onset of democratic rule. This economic and political context provides important background information to get a better understanding of coalition politics in the ten CEE countries studied in this volume. The chapter shows that the countries in CEE had quite different starting conditions. They differed substantially on factors such as level of industrialization, unemployment, and economic growth and they opted for different strategies in the transition from central planned to a free market economy. While most of the countries had reached comparatively high levels of market orientation within a few years of democratization, considerable differences remained when the countries joined the European Union. The ten countries also differ with regard to their democratic traditions, and opted for different institutional designs on matters such as the electoral system, the role of the head of state, and the organization of the legislature. High uncertainty associated with initial design choices has resulted in frequent institutional reforms. The communist legacy not only affected the development of party systems, it also affected the political culture in the polities. In conclusion, the countries studied in this book show both initial and persisting variation in terms of economic performance, their institutional framework, the social conditions, and attitudes towards politics among the electorate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kacper Rekawek

This article contextualizes the seemingly robust Central-Eastern European reactions to terrorist events in Western Europe, whilst examining the difference between how counterterrorism (CT) in Central-Eastern Europe looks in theory and how it works in practice. It constitutes the first comparative study, across eight case studies, focusing solely on CT-related issues of the post-2004 EU entrants, and one of the very first assessing CT developments in post-communist Europe available in English. The article addresses a serious gap in terrorism studies that are oriented towards works on terrorism or CT in Western Europe. It sets out five distinguishing features of CT routines in Central-Eastern Europe and consequently argues that Central-Eastern Europeans “reference” their CT arrangements from Western Europe in a copy and paste manner. Moreover, the Central-Eastern European CT, unlike that of their CT “referees” from Western Europe, is not linear in nature and does not stem from the local threat perception being filtered through CT legacies (developed norms, practices, and routines). By thematically analysing the haphazard manner in which the Central-Eastern Europeans develop their CT legacies, and depicting how eager they are in adopting the Western European rationale for countering a threat that is hardly present in their region, the article provides new empirical basis (derived from qualitative data, including sixty interviews with Central-Eastern European CT experts and officials) for a far-reaching argument about a West-East (old EU–new EU) divide on CT in Europe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nada Dimkovic ◽  
Ciro Esposito ◽  
Jonathan Barratt ◽  
Christophe Mariat ◽  
Evgeny Shutov ◽  
...  

Abstract Background and Aims Roxadustat regulates erythropoiesis and iron metabolism through hypoxia-inducible factor prolyl hydroxylase inhibition. This regional analysis evaluated efficacy and safety for roxadustat versus placebo/darbepoetin alfa (DA) in NDD CKD patients with anaemia. Method Results from three, double-blind phase 3 studies comparing roxadustat to placebo (ALPS, ANDES, OLYMPUS) in patients with anaemia and stage 3-5 NDD CKD were pooled and evaluated alongside results of an open-label study comparing roxadustat to DA (DOLOMITES) in the same population. Efficacy outcomes were compared in three regions (Europe, US, and other) in placebo-controlled studies (PCS) and two regions (Western Europe/Israel and Central/Eastern Europe) in the DA-controlled study (DCS). The primary efficacy endpoint in Europe was haemoglobin (Hb) response, defined as Hb ≥11.0 g/dL that changed from baseline (CFB) by ≥1.0 g/dL in patients with Hb >8.0 g/dL or as CFB ≥2.0 g/dL in patients with Hb ≤8.0 g/dL. The secondary efficacy endpoint was Hb CFB to Weeks 28-36 without rescue therapy (intravenous iron, red blood cell [RBC] transfusion, or erythropoiesis-stimulating agent [ESA] for PCS; RBC transfusion or ESA [roxadustat only] for DCS). Incidence of treatment-emergent adverse events (TEAEs) was summarised descriptively in two regions in PCS (Europe and non-Europe) and two regions in DCS (Western Europe/Israel and Central/Eastern Europe). Results A total of 4886 patients were randomised (2709 roxadustat; 1884 placebo; 293 DA). A significantly greater proportion of patients in all regions who received roxadustat had a Hb response without rescue therapy vs placebo (Europe: 77.9% vs 16.5%, difference of proportion [DOP] 61.4%, 95% CI: 56.5-66.2; US: 75.4% vs 8.3%, DOP 67.2%, 95% CI: 62.7-71.6; and other: 83.4% vs 5.5%, DOP 78.0%, 95% CI: 75.4-80.5) and a numerically greater proportion in both regions vs DA (Western Europe/Israel: 93.9% vs 83.5%, DOP 10.4%, 95% CI: 1.2-19.6; Central/Eastern Europe: 86.5% vs 75.4%, DOP 10.9%, 95% CI: 3.6-18.3). Mean Hb CFB was significantly greater with roxadustat vs placebo in Europe (2.01 vs 0.37 g/dL, LSMD 1.70, 95% CI: 1.55-1.84), US (1.80 vs 0.21 g/dL, LSMD 1.67, 95% CI: 1.53-1.82), and other (1.80 vs 0.06 g/dL, LSMD 1.77, 95% CI: 1.64-1.89) (all P<0.0001) and similar vs DA in Western Europe/Israel (1.64 vs 1.75 g/dL, LSMD -0.03, 95% CI: -0.30 to 0.23, P=0.80) and Central/Eastern Europe (1.94 vs 1.88 g/dL, LSMD 0.03, 95% CI: -0.14 to 0.21, P=0.72). The range in incidence for select TEAEs (arteriovenous fistula thrombosis, deep vein thrombosis, nausea, and seizure) was: 0.3-8.4% for roxadustat and 0.2-4.3% for placebo in Europe; 0.8-10.8% for roxadustat and 0.1-7.0% for placebo in non-Europe; 0-12.1% for roxadustat and 0-11.8% for DA in Western Europe/Israel; 0.4-6.3% for roxadustat and 0-3.4% for DA in Central/Eastern Europe. Conclusion In patients with anaemia and stage 3-5 NDD CKD, roxadustat was more effective than placebo for correcting Hb and generating Hb response without rescue therapy in Europe, the US, and other countries. It was similarly effective as DA for correcting Hb and generating a Hb response without rescue therapy in Western Europe/Israel and Central/Eastern Europe. The incidence of select TEAEs was comparable and relatively low in all regions.


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