Polska mniejszość narodowa na Białorusi w okresie BSRR jako czynnik bezpieczeństwa narodowego ZSRR (1945-1985)

The Polish national minority in the USSR, including the BSSR, was viewed from the aspect of state security as an unreliable, subversive element. In this regard, it had to be Sovietized and Russified. In the conditions of the BSSR, there was also a specificity of the solution of the Polish question: first, the Poles were subjected to Sovietization and Byelorussification, and then to Russification. It was not possible to fully implement the plan for Sovietization and depolonization of the region and thus turn the Polish national minority into a Soviet society of power. The cultural and national specificity of the Poles of the BSSR and especially in the Grodno region has been preserved. However, the Soviet legacy in relation to the Polish national minority in independent Belarus has survived, including in the post-Soviet imperial complex “Great Belarus”, a character-istic complex of “small empires” for most of the former Soviet republics.

Political Values in the European Post-Soviet Space: Identity and Sovereignty in the Face of Integration Processes

The article analyzes the intergation processes in the post-Soviet space and shows that their direction is determined by the competition of states in a specific organizational field of political values. The effectiveness of the governments in this field depends directly on their ability to switch between the political values of the country and universal aggregations. This ability is becoming a key attribute of the empirical sovereignty of the state today. It is shown that in the conditions of asymmetric integration into the EU space in post-socialist countries and insufficient integration in the former Soviet republics, the accomplishment of this function requires specific institutional adaptations: differentiation between buffer mechanisms responsible for communication with external value systems, and the core that holds the deep value complexes of the community. The stability of the organizational bundle of state sovereignty and identity, the specifics of its functionaries in the post-Soviet space are described as giving the Russian Federation an opportunity of value action, focused on the population of post-Soviet and post-socialist countries and bypassing communications with pro-European-oriented and subordinated power apparatuses.

Online hate speech in Belarus: Highlighting the topical issues

Summary Hate speech can be viewed as a form of socio-political conflict that might be considered an inevitable result of the shift of the historical paradigm in the former Soviet republics. In the meantime, the study of hate speech in Belarus demonstrates its relevance not only in the context of the current socio-political situation, but also because of the lack of the related research in the country. This study provides a general outline of hate speech in the Belarusian online discourse at the present time. At the beginning of the article, a brief literature review and the definition of the key terms are given. Afterwards, extralinguistic factors that influence hate speech functioning within the discourse community are described. Most attention is paid to the linguistic analysis of the legal documents of the Republic of Belarus as compared to those of other countries. Then, based on the analysis of the Internet users’ comments to online news, the most topical issues are determined and some observations on labeling as a move aimed at creating an image of a social group are provided.

BIBLİOGRAPHİC REVİEW ABOUT TURKİCNESS AND TURKİSM

In this article briefly provides bibliographic information about the historical development of Turkicness and the Turkism movement.Before proceeding to the information about the studies and authors,who written on the topic, the process of formation of the concepts of Turkishness and Turkism is described.It has been stated that the Turkism movement in the Ottomans was influenced by Western orientalists.Information was given about the books in which Turkists such as Ziya Gökalp and Yusuf Akçura expressed their views.Finally, studies giving information about the Turkestan independence struggle were introduced. More studies are needed on the subject in libraries and archives of Turkey and the world. The archives of the Russian Federation and former Soviet republics are among the most important resource centers on the national independence movements of the Turks under Russian rule and the development of the ideal of Turkish unity. For example, in funds numbered 1, I-1, 1010 and I-47 in the Uzbekistan State Archives, there are very important documents about the activities carried out by the Turkestan Turks for their national independence and the measures taken by the competent Russian authorities against them. Among these documents, there are many reports prepared by the Russian administrators and the papers they presented. There is very important information about the position of Islam in Turkestan, the struggle of the people of Turkestan against Russian rule, the work of Tatar teachers in the Cedit schools and the measures taken by the administration of tsarist Russia against the Jadit schools and Tatar teachers.

The accounting subculture of Russia and the Baltic states in the light of Hofstede and Gray’s concept

Purpose: The purpose of the article is to compare the theoretical assumptions of Gray’s model based on Hofstede’s cultural dimensions and the actual evolution of accounting sys-tems in Russia and the Baltic countries, as former Soviet republics (which implies decades of functioning within the same legal and economic system, as well as the financial market). Methodology: A critical analysis and comparative analysis of the literature. Results: The initial characteristics of the Russian accounting subculture were characterized by a strong inclination towards conservatism and discretion, preferring statutory control and uniformity. This is also true of the accounting subculture of the Baltic countries − conserva-tive, but with a tendency towards transparency and professionalism, but at the same time appreciating the role of statutory control, with an ambivalent approach to flexibility. An analy-sis of the development of accounting systems in these countries revealed general compli-ance with the theoretical assumptions of Gray's model, and highest in the case of Russia. Originality/value: The article confirms the correctness of the assumptions of Gray's model regarding the evolution of selected countries’ accounting systems. It fills the existing cognitive gap, because former Soviet republics’ accounting systems are rarely studied in a cultural con-text, especially compared to Russia. Typically, a comparison is made between Russia/the former Soviet republic and Western European countries or another Central/Eastern European country.

On the need to improve criminal law norms with administrative prejudice

The article deals with some problems of constructing elements of crimes with administrative prejudice and concludes that it is necessary to improve such criminal law norms. It is noted that, since 2009, in Russia there is a process of gradual resumption of the construction of administrative prejudice in the structure of the domestic criminal law. To date, this construction is used only in six countries of the world, which are parts of the former Soviet Union, in connection with which the conclusion is made about the uniqueness of the institution of administrative prejudice in the field of criminal law. The authors have collected statistics on the quantitative development of this institution in the post-Soviet space over the past five years. It is concluded that the problem of the absence of a single formulation defining a special subject of the elements of crimes with this construction exists not only in the Russian criminal legislation, but also in the legislation of Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. The necessity of fixing in Russian criminal law and initiating fixing in the Model Criminal Code for the former Soviet republics the definition of administrative prejudice in criminal law and on its basis the development of a single model of legislative regulation of administrative prejudice in criminal law, which will eliminate the technical and legal shortcomings addressed in the article, is determined.

Domestic and International Causes of Russian Military Intervention in Ukraine

The collapse of the Cold War order led to a change in the geopolitical environment of the Russian Federation. The declarations of independence of the former Soviet republics and the emergence of the post-Soviet area had weakened the country’s position. As a result, the Russian Federation has been perceiving this new area as a zone of its ‘vital interests’, and attaining and maintaining dominant position in those territories has been considered crucial for the state’s security, its strength and position on the international arena. Russia has been pursuing its goals in the area through numerous reintegration attempts on political, military and economic levels. To achieve the main political goal, which is the control over the post-Soviet area, the Russian Federation has been also using military instruments. The focal point and purpose of this article is to show the internal and external causes of military intervention of the Russian Federation in eastern Ukraine.

Civilization as a Political Construct

The article examines the recent increase of claims for the right to join the prestigious list of civilizations, the increased preference for the status of civilizational identity as a wider community rather than ethnic or religious. The claims for being acknowledged as a civilization are dictated by a number of reasons, all of which are actualized in connection with the fundamental domestic political and foreign policy changes observed in the world. The former Soviet republics face the difficulties of transition from the status of the Soviet republic to sovereign statehood. Their political and business elites are engaged in the he search for a "national idea" in order to implement the political policy chosen by them. A striking example of this is the ideological project "Seven Faces of the Great Steppe", the key message of which is to "re-ignite" the history of the Kazakhs by proving the "continuity of civilizational history" of Kazakhstan as "the main heir to the Steppe civilization". Thus there is a concern about the need to ensure the cohesion of fellow citizens around the "national idea" in the name of implementing the political course chosen by the authorities. A clear example of this is the nomination of programs like Kazakhstan's Rouhani 'Jiru" ideologically based on the project "Seven facets of the Great Steppe". The key message of the project is to "extend history" of the Kazakhs back to antiquity by proving the "continuity of civilizational history" of Kazakhstan, "the main heir to the Steppe Civilization". In India, increased interest in civilizational identification is associated with difficulties in effective modernization. In search of a national model of development, there is an appeal to archaic. The use of a "civilizational approach" in ideology and politics can lead to an apology of tradition, equated with a backward past. The danger of such an approach is compounded when it is a political construct created by the power elite, much less the sole leader.

THE FACTOR OF RUSSIA IN THE ACTIVITIES OF NATO DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF D. TRUMP

The article says that the "Russian question" will always be a "stumbling block" in relations between American and European NATO partners. And if Americans, out of habit, find it beneficial to remove any conflicts, including local military ones, from their borders as much as possible, and there is no better field for battle, from which the American speculators will once again emerge victorious than Europe, then Europeans in this Europe - to live taking into account the interests of such a political giant as the Russian Federation. In this regard, the political figures of Putin and Trump in Europe traditionally cause a great public outcry, and following or confrontation with the political positions of both unites and leads political figures from the largest and strategically important countries of Europe (Germany, France, Poland, Ukraine). The United States needs NATO as a conduit for its foreign policy and as a chain dog that will not allow Russia to regain the political gains of the Second World War lost in the 1990s, as well as significant political influence in the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics.