The Communist Theory of International Relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-140
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

This essay analyses the distinctive effects of Marxist-Leninist ideology and Communist practice on states ruled by Communist parties and states with non-Communist or ‘bourgeois’ regimes. Communist regimes assert that they are historically destined to triumph over ‘capitalist’ and ‘imperialist’ governments. From 1917 to 1944, the Soviet Union was the sole Communist-governed state. Since 1944 there have been multiple Communist-ruled states. Such states generally have formal state-to-state relations in addition to Communist party-to-party relations. Non-Communist-ruled states may have oppositional relations with domestic and foreign Communist parties as well as formal relations with the foreign ministries of Communist-led states. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has claimed that its decisions bind all Communist parties, but it has also accepted the primacy of a global gathering of Communist parties. Disputes among Communist parties over doctrine and interests that are theoretically congruent raise questions about the coherence of the ideology. Forming a Communist world-state to suppress national rivalries could offer a solution, but at the cost of abandoning national state sovereignties and the autonomy of specific Communist parties.

Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This chapter demonstrates how those parties that came into being as a result of their leaders' long years in Moscow and their postwar dependence on the support of the Red Army's troops were at a monumental disadvantage. Importantly, their association with the Soviet Union meant that they were deprived of the national narrative; indeed, they were regarded by their populations as agents of an enemy power. Since most of the Eastern European parties fell into this category, it is no wonder that they welcomed the black-and-white simplicity of the Communist Information Bureau, or Cominform. There was a cost to this conformity, however. Their acceptance of a Stalinist, state-centered model of leadership meant that they, like their Soviet overseers, were prepared to sacrifice the motivating idea of communist party rule. Given the fact that they had few alternative sources of legitimation than state power, most paid this price, even at the cost of ignoring their national identities.


Author(s):  
Rimma M. Khaninova ◽  

The article discusses the concept of “road” in the aspect of the disposition of “your” and “alien” on the material of Kalmyk political ballad of the XX century —”Julian Grimau” (Rus. transl. “The Ballad about Communist”) by Yegor Budzhalov and “Ooshk torhn — Rosa kyukn” (Rus. transl. “Ballad about the girl Rosa”) by Moradzhi Narmaev. The political perspective of these ballads is determined by historical events (civil war, imprisonment of political figures, execution, loss of eyesight), historical characters (Julian Grimau, Henry Winston), the members of the Communist Party of their countries, the main place names (Spain, the United States of America, the Soviet Union). The dichotomy of “one’s own” and “another’s” in Budzhalov’s ballad demonstrates political (fascism and democracy), ideological (imperialism and the communist Party), social (protest of different countries against the verdict of Grimau) and personal (Franco and Grimau) vectors. This is the boundary between the life and death of the hero, his path to the grave, to non-existence, physical and spiritual immortality, it is the conclusion of his human fate. In the Narmaev’s ballad the “one’s own” and “another’s” disposition is represented in theintercrossing of different people’s lives — the American communist G. Winston, his opponents, his friends, Soviet people, including the author himself, Soviet Youth and Rosa girl in particular — when the “stranger” communist from the USA becomes “one’s own” like-minded person, when a stranger literally becomes a blood relative, when long distances do not become an obstacle to good deeds and thoughts, when someone else’s life is saved at the cost of self-sacrifice. These works of Kalmyk poets bear the imprint of their time in a pronounced socio-political and ideological perspective, without reducing the humanistic and moral-ethical vector of the author’s intention.


Author(s):  
Elena Gorshkova ◽  

Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The source corpus of the article contains secret documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union published in Italian language, official documents edited by the Ministries of foreign affairs of USSR and Italy, and the memoirs of the diplomat as well. Analysis of these sources allowed to evaluate personal contribution of A. A. Gromyko to the development of Soviet-Italian relations and to reveal some principles of his work dealt with adjustment of a peace dialogue between the USSR and Italy. Among his achievements there was launching of the Soviet project of the CSCE in the course of the negotiation process with Italy. As the result of his efforts contacts between the USSR and Italy went beyond the channels within the communist parties of both countries, and the Soviet-Italian relations advanced to higher level in different spheres. Besides, agreement between two countries on some important issues of international relations was achieved. The author believes that the principles put in the basis of the Soviet-Italian relations by of A. A. Gromyko retain their relevance in the modern international context.


Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.


This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.


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