The Historical Significance and Contemporary Relevance of Conservative Liberalism and Ordo-Liberalism: A Hollow Promise?

2020 ◽  
pp. 410-450
Author(s):  
Kenneth Dyson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
John Rawls ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
Chicago School ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
Karl Polanyi ◽  
Balanced Assessment ◽  
History Of ◽  
Social Liberalism

This chapter attempts to assess the significance of conservative liberalism and Ordo-liberalism in the larger context of liberalism by examining five questions. Why have they been marginalized? How have their ideas fared in Germany, the epicentre of Ordo-liberalism? What is the position of conservative liberalism and Ordo-liberalism in the intellectual history of political economy? What are their prospects in a new transformational crisis of liberalism? Are they likely to prove no more than a ghostly shadow in liberal political economy? Or can they act as a source of liberal rejuvenation? Finally, do conservative liberalism and Ordo-liberalism offer no more than a hollow promise of disciplining capitalism and democracy? Do the gaps in their thinking—their focusing illusion—disable them as a source of intellectual insight and as a relevant influence on debate, institutions, and policies? Or do they contribute to the overall strength and resilience of liberalism by complementing the contributions of social liberalism and laissez-faire liberalism? The chapter examines conservative liberalism and Ordo-liberalism using the insights from the Austrian School, the new Chicago School, and libertarian thought; from Karl Polanyi and Michel Foucault; from critics of authoritarian liberalism and of the long shadow of Carl Schmitt; and from writers on the moral economy, including John Rawls and Amartya Sen. It concludes by offering a balanced assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of this liberal tradition and its place in wider liberalism.

Beyond Weimar: The Long Crisis of Liberalism, the Political Economy of the Interwar Conjuncture and the Foundations of Neo-liberalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 44-72
Author(s):  
Michael A. Wilkinson
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Karl Polanyi ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
The Social ◽  
Hans Kelsen ◽  
Crisis Of Liberalism

<Online Only>This chapter examines authoritarian liberalism as a more general phenomenon ‘beyond Weimar’. It looks outside Weimar Germany and takes a longer historical perspective, revealing deeper tensions in liberalism itself, specifically its inability to respond to the issue of socio-economic inequality in a mass democracy. The major Weimar constitutional theorists—Hans Kelsen, Carl Schmitt, and Hermann Heller—had no answer to the social question as a matter of constitutional self-defence. The chapter then discusses the political economy of the various crises across Europe—in Italy, France, and Austria—revealing a similar quandary. As Karl Polanyi argued, in these contexts, the turn to authoritarian liberalism fatally weakened political democracy and left it disarmed when faced with the fascist countermovement. Later in the interwar period, proposals for neo-liberalism would be introduced, symbolized by the organization of the Walter Lippman Colloquium in 1938.</Online Only>

The Science of Sympathy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rob Boddice
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Charles Darwin ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Medical Progress ◽  
Compulsory Vaccination ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Research ◽  
Descent Of Man ◽  
Civilized Society

In his Descent of Man, Charles Darwin placed sympathy at the crux of morality in civilized society. His idea buttressed the belief that white, upper-class, educated men deserved their sense of superiority by virtue of good breeding. It also implied that progress could be steered by envisioning a new blueprint for sympathy that redefined moral actions carried out in sympathy's name. Rob Boddice joins a daring intellectual history of sympathy to a portrait of how the first Darwinists defined and employed it. Combining the history of emotions, the history of medicine, the history of science and the history of morality, Boddice shows how specific interpretations of Darwinism sparked a cacophonous discourse intent on displacing previous notions of sympathy. Scientific and medical progress demanded that "cruel" practices like vivisection, an essential part of new research in physiology, and compulsory vaccination be seen as moral for their ultimate goal of alleviating suffering. Some even saw the so-called unfit--natural targets of sympathy--as a danger to society and encouraged sympathy for the "fit" alone, placing this emotion at the heart of eugenics. Right or wrong, these early Darwinists formed a moral economy that acted on a new system of ethics, reconceptualised obligations, and executed new duties. Boddice persuasively argues that the bizarre, even dangerous formulations of sympathy they invented influence society and civilization in the present day.

The State of the Political

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
Political Criticism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Franz Neumann

This book offers a broad-ranging re-interpretation of the understanding of politics and the state in the writings of three major German thinkers, Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Franz Neumann. It rejects the typical separation of these writers on the basis of their allegedly incompatible ideological positions, and suggests instead that once properly located in their historical context, the tendentious character of these interpretative boundaries becomes clear. The book interprets the conceptions of politics and the state in the writings of these three thinkers by means of an investigation of their adaptation and modification of particular German traditions of thinking about the state, or Staatsrechtslehre. Indeed, when the theoretical considerations of this state-legal theory are combined with their contemporary political criticism, a richer and more deeply textured account of the issues that engaged the attention of Weber, Schmitt and Neumann is possible. Thus, the broad range of subjects discussed in this book include parliamentarism and democracy in Germany, academic freedom and political economy, political representation, cultural criticism and patriotism, and the relationship between rationality, law, sovereignty and the constitution. The study attempts to restore a sense of proportion to the discussion of the three authors' writings, focusing on the extensive ideas that they shared rather than insisting on their necessary ideological separation. It is a detailed re-appraisal of a crucial moment in modern intellectual history, and highlights the profound importance of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt and Franz Neumann for the history of European ideas.

From Freakonomics to Political Economy

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Fine ◽  
Dimitris Milonakis
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
Neoclassical Economics ◽  
Economic Science ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Second World

AbstractIn this response to the symposium on our two books we try to deal as fully as possible in the brief space available with most of the major issues raised by our distinguished commentators. Although at least three of them are in agreement with the main thrust of the arguments put forward in our books, they all raise important issues relating to methodology, the history of economic thought (including omissions), and a number of more specific issues. Our answer is based on the restatement of the chief purpose of our two books, describing the intellectual history of the evolution of economic science emphasising the role of the excision of the social and the historical from economic theorising in the transition from (classical) political economy to (neoclassical) economics, only for the two to be reunited through the vulgar form of economics imperialism following the monolithic dominance of neoclassical economics at the expense of pluralism after the Second World War. The importance of political economy for the future of economic science is vigorously argued for.

PREFACE

2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHRUTI KAPILA
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social History ◽  
South Asian ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Major Site ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

In a recent appraisal of the nature of the enterprise of intellectual history, it was remarked, not for the first time, that the “the only history of ideas to be written are histories of their uses in argument”. Though perhaps not in such a self-conscious manner, the essays in this issue consider the transformative capacity of ideas. Modern intellectual history in the European and American context grew out of a critique of the dominance of social history; by contrast, it has received little or no attention in the field of colonial and modern South Asia. Despite the vibrancy of the field in general, the two major works in Indian intellectual history were written almost half a century ago. Eric Stokes's English Utilitarians and India and Ranajit Guha's A Rule of Property for Bengal were both concerned with the making of the regime of colonial political economy. These two important books took the major site of the generation of ideas to be the colonial state and the major actors to be its official intellectuals. Interestingly, both these historians later moved away from intellectual history to social history and the experience of the peasantry. It is an ironic tribute to their books that the subsequent focus of much South Asian historical scholarship has been on the nature of the colonial state and its relation to politics, economy and society. However, the emphasis on the power and the work of ideas, in Stokes's and Guha's initial formulations, slowly but surely gave way to “ethnographies of the state”. A related historiographical move emphasized the politics and culture of resistance, as indeed did Stokes and Guha in their later work.

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