The Salentine Group

Author(s):  
James Morton

Chapter 9 addresses a group of nomocanons produced in the Salento peninsula between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. These manuscripts stand out from the others in the book, as they were not produced for monasteries, bishops, or lay judges, but for the secular clergy and parish priests of the Salento. The chapter explores their distinctive aesthetic style and material characteristics, which are highly consistent across the group but noticeably different from those of other Italo-Greek nomocanons. It also discusses their textual content, pointing out that the manuscripts contain lengthy appendices consisting of texts that would have been of particular interest to Salentine Greek clergy of the late Middle Ages, covering subjects like clerical marriage and Lenten fasting. These were all topics on which the Greek church diverged from the Latin, and it seems that the texts were included as a way to defend the Greeks’ distinctive religious practices. The chapter also highlights a fascinating marginal abbreviation that occurs in multiple Salentine nomocanons, ‘Against the Latins’, which was used by scribes and readers to highlight canons that were felt to be especially useful in this effort.

Traditio ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 397-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Trexler

In a recent article on the Florentine synodal constitutions of 1327, I took note of the rubric de testamentis et ultimis uoluntatibus, which ordered executors to pay directly to the bishop one-third of all legacies left indistincte ad pias causas seu pro anima. Another third of such bequests was to be paid directly to the testator's parish rector, while the remainder supposedly was to be distributed by the executors to pious causes. Under pressure from the commune, this mandate was struck in 1330. I stated the reasons for communal opposition, and made a limited attempt to show the canonical background of the bishop's unsuccessful ordinance. Citing the European-wide use by the secular clergy of the decretal Super cathedram (1300) to recoup income lost to the friars, the article concluded that Florence's demand for direct payment of a third on indistincte was an extreme — but not unique — formulation of a trend within one contemporary school of jurisprudence to amplify the testamentary rights of the secular clergy. The bishop's attempt was bad law, and even the lawyers whose opinions had encouraged the bishop in his formulation — before all, the great canonist Giovanni d'Andrea — crushed such attempts on indistincte with strong and decisive consilia.


Author(s):  
Juan Antonio Prieto Sayagués

Durante la Baja Edad Media, varios miembros de las élites de poder tomaron el hábito y profesaron en algún monasterio, aunque en número inferior a las mujeres. Se analizan sus motivaciones desde un punto de vista socioeconómico –viudedad, invalidez, bastardía, vasallaje a los patronos y reajustes patrimoniales– y político –contactos previos con la corte–. Se abordan las dinámicas en la profesión de los diferentes estamentos: los oficiales y miembros del entorno de la corte, la alta nobleza y las oligarquías urbanas. Algunos de ellos hicieron carrera eclesiástica dentro de la orden a la que pertenecían o en la clerecía secular, como obispos y arzobispos; esto último, unido a que los religiosos recibieron privilegios y donaciones de la familia real y de la nobleza, dio lugar, además de aumentar las diferencias sociales entre los profesos, al surgimiento de conflictos por las dotes y los bienes donados.AbstractDuring the late Middle Ages, many male members of the political elite took the habit and were professed at a monastery, though to a much lesser extent than women. Their motivations are examined from a socioeconomic perspective (widowhood, disability, bastardy, vassalage to patrons, and changes in wealth) and from a political point of view (previous contacts with the king’s court). We will address the dynamics in the profession of the different estates: the officers and members of the court, the higher nobility and the urban oligarchies. Some of these men attained the dignity of bishop and archbishop while being in a religious order, or as members of the secular clergy. This situation, together with the fact that certain members of the clergy received privileges and donations from the royal family and the nobility, led to an increase in social differences among the clergy, and to conflicts due to dowries and donations.


Author(s):  
Joseph Shatzmiller

This introductory chapter discusses the cultural exchange between Jews and Christians in the High and Late Middle Ages. Members of each group contributed to the other's culture, even to their religious practices. Jews would often have in their possession artistic objects from the surrounding society. Even if held for a limited time, these objects were most likely influential in shaping the possessors' own art. The idea of looking at the Christian environment when studying Jewish ritual objects was raised in 1960 by Mordechai Narkiss, then the director of the Bezalel Art Museum in Jerusalem. In studying the shape of a Jewish ritual box known in Hebrew as a besamim box, Narkiss observed that originally these boxes were similar in shape to Christian reliquaries labeled in German as Monstranz. To support this hypothesis he provided a dozen references showing how medieval Jews accepted Christian liturgical articles as securities.


2003 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-46
Author(s):  
A. D. M. Barrell

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-446
Author(s):  
Sylvain Roudaut

Abstract This paper offers an overview of the history of the axiom forma dat esse, which was commonly quoted during the Middle Ages to describe formal causality. The first part of the paper studies the origin of this principle, and recalls how the ambiguity of Boethius’s first formulation of it in the De Trinitate was variously interpreted by the members of the School of Chartres. Then, the paper examines the various declensions of the axiom that existed in the late Middle Ages, and shows how its evolution significantly follows the progressive decline of the Aristotelian model of formal causality.


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