Introduction

Author(s):  
Mary S. Barton

Paris was quiet on February 19, 1919. Abuzz for a month as the peacemakers bickered, cajoled, and negotiated the peace treaties that formally ended the Great War, the city finally rested as U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George took a brief leave to return home, leaving behind Georges Clemenceau, the French prime minister known to all as “the Tiger.”...

Author(s):  
Salim Tamari

This chapter looks at the period of the constitutional revolution as a prelude to the Great War, interpreted by two eminent local historians of the life of Nablus: Muhammad Izzat Darwazeh and Ihsan al-Nimr. It illustrates two contrasting perspectives on how the city potentates, and how its middle classes and artisans reacted to the removal of Sultan Abdul Hamid from power. What is striking in this “farcical moment” was the strength of support for the old regime by the city's merchants and artisans, and the general hostility toward the new freedoms promised by the Young Turks. Nimr attributes this hostility to the substantial autonomy enjoyed by the Nablus region during the earlier periods of Ottoman rule.


Balcanica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 173-215
Author(s):  
Dragan Bakic

This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Mata Boskovic, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav) question - a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was Serbia?s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav ?migr?s from Austria-Hungary in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbic, were leading figures. In stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Boskovic was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav unification. He suspected the Croat ?migr?s, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British ?friends of Serbia?, the most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham Steed, with the Croat ?migr?s. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav unification, Boskovic preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of and reaction to Boskovic?s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pasic, clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pasic did not vacillate between the ?small? and the ?large programme?, between Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
John Maynard

This paper seeks to aid and open further discussion on the impact upon Aboriginal communities and lives during and after World War One. We now know that over a thousand Aboriginal men enlisted and went overseas to fight for their so-called country during the Great War and that many made the ultimate sacrifice. But what was happening at home to their families and communities whilst they were away? Did they receive just recognition on their return home? These are some of the questions this paper will reveal and analyse.


Author(s):  
Kirwin R. Shaffer

This chapter continues examining the relationships between anarchists and their sometime-allies, sometime-antagonists in the emerging Partido Socialista (PS) in the 1910s. Here, the chapter considers the agitations arising from the radical bloc in the city of Bayamón. The Bayamón anarchists continued their agitation throughout the 1910s, sometimes working with Socialists but also becoming less conciliatory and more rigid in their quest for an anarchist social revolution. By 1918, anarchists centered in the city took an increasingly hard line against all aspects of the PS—especially concerning the relevance of electoral politics for the future of Puerto Rican workers, the appropriate responses to militarism, and the new military draft for the Great War that some PS leaders such as the elected Socialist senator Santiago Iglesias supported.


Author(s):  
Norman Ingram

The years immediately following the signature of the Locarno treaties in October 1925 are usually seen as an era of détente in European, particularly Franco-German, politics. There seemed to be a lull in the Ligue’s fixation on the problem of war origins, but it was only an appearance. Other issues briefly took centre stage, but even they were discussed in terms redolent of concerns from the Great War. Some members of the minority began to publish in a new journal, Evolution. An event of signal importance was the publication of a book by René Gerin and Raymond Poincaré on war responsibilities. There was huge debate over the Pierre Renouvin/Camille Bloch thesis which sought to limit the importance of Article 231. On the eve of the Nazi seizure of power, the Ligue devoted its 1932 Congress to the controversy over the peace treaties of 1919. It was too little, too late.


Author(s):  
Robert Blobaum

This introductory chapter provides an overview of Warsaw during the Great War. Warsaw entered the war not as a capital city but as the third city of the Russian Empire. In the war's first year, Warsaw witnessed massive shifts in population as a consequence of mobilization, evacuations, deportations, and male labor out-migration on the one hand, and the arrival of refugees and wounded soldiers in the other. By the second winter of the war, the city experienced rapidly escalating incidences of starvation, disease, death, and conflict over the increasingly scarce resources necessary to sustain human life. The chapter then compares Warsaw's experience of the Great War to that of the Second World War.


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