The Three Versions of the Ultimatum Game

We examine the 1914-1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a form of the ultimatum game. The negotiations among the Serbian Cabinet and the yugoslav Committee representatives of the Habsburg Souths Slavs from 1914-1918 exemplify three versions of this game. The first version is a typical (rational choice) type of the ultimatum game in which the receiver is satisfied with any offer by the Proposer. The second version is an instance of behavioral game theory. When the Proposer gives an unfair offer, it provokes an emotional reaction in the receiver who will reject it at the cost of harming themselves. We observe this behavior in the emotional behavior of frano Supilo, a Croat and one of the leaders of the yugoslav Committee. The third version of the behavioral ultimatum game can be observed in the behavior of Serbian Prime minister nikola Pašić who opposed any concessions to the yugoslav Committee, thus giving an ultimatum to the Croat side to accept the Serbian offer or remain with nothing, which was harmful to the Serbian side, too. This example is important because it produces two conclusions. first, historical games are often a mixture of several versions. Second, Proposers, too, can have an emotional reaction and give an offer that can hurt themselves. This aspect of the ultimatum game is less mentioned because it is difficult to simulate in experiments.

Unwanted Ally. Italian Political Debate on Yugoslav Unity during WWI

Upon entering WWI, Italy expected to gain hegemony over the Adriatic Sea. After 1917, however, several events had seriously altered the political context, urging a reappraisal of Italy’s war aims. This article describes the debates among Italian political sectors on the emergence of Yugoslav unionism. Several Italian politicians had proposed a bilateral deal with Serbia and the Yugoslav Committee and engaging in direct talks to pave the way for a compromise solution over the Adriatic. Minister of Foreign Affairs Sonnino instead retained the 1915 Treaty of London as the only basis for Italy’s war, rejecting bilateral deals. The lack of reappraisal in Italy’s diplomatic strategy finally exposed Rome to growing isolation, especially when France and England began to support Yugoslav claims.

The Serbian minister in London, Mateja Boskovic, the Yugoslav committee, and Serbia’s Yugoslav policy in the Great War 1914-1916

This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Mata Boskovic, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav) question - a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was Serbia?s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav ?migr?s from Austria-Hungary in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbic, were leading figures. In stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Boskovic was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav unification. He suspected the Croat ?migr?s, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British ?friends of Serbia?, the most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham Steed, with the Croat ?migr?s. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav unification, Boskovic preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of and reaction to Boskovic?s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pasic, clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pasic did not vacillate between the ?small? and the ?large programme?, between Yugoslavia and Greater Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.

Kroatischer Nationalismus und Panslawismus in Argentinien und Chile während des Ersten Weltkriegs

The present article deals with the development of Southern Slav nationalism among former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in South America in the years before and during World War I. The article focuses on Chile and Argentina, but also takes the transnational characteristics of the nationalist Slav movement into consideration, which established strong transatlantic connections with the Yugoslav Committee in London and links with national committees in the United States. Chile became the center of the Southern Slav movement in Western South America. It provided the committee in London not only with considerable sums of money, but also with intensive propaganda activities which first sought to gain adherents among the emigrated Croatian and Dalmatian subjects of the Habsburg Empire. The diplomatic representatives of the Dual Monarchy found themselves confronted with a political situation, which they initially sub-estimated, but were not able to deal with later.

Linguistic geography in Serbia - linguistic notes on maps and their reading

The creation of linguistic atlases is the highest achievement of linguogeography. A scientific linguistic map with all the necessary accompanying elements offers the possibility to trace the geographic distribution of an actual linguistic phenomenon. The text starts by pointing out the importance of linguistic atlases as the ?central instrument? of contemporary dialectology. Subsequently, it presents the work of the Interacademic Committee for Dialectological Atlases (SASA), founded in 1959 as the Yugoslav Committee for Dialectological Atlases, spanning several decades and constituting the framework for the local activities of three international projects (Atlas of the European Languages - ALE, The General Slavic Linguistic Atlas - OLA, and The General Carpathian Dialectological Atlas - OKDA) and the national project named The Serbian Dialectological Atlas - SDA (earlier The Serbo-Croatian Dialectological Atlas). Further, the paper presents the existence of numerous linguistic maps in national publications, published within dialectological scientific papers and monographic studies and bearing witness to the work performed in the background of our major tasks in the linguogeographic field. The paper also indicates the importance of linguistic maps for various scientific disciplines and areas.