Preface

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Israels Perry

This book is about the women who went to my grandmother’s funeral. On January 2, 1933, Belle Lindner Israels Moskowitz, adviser and political strategist to former New York State governor Alfred E. Smith, died unexpectedly of an embolism. Her funeral at Temple Emanu-El in Manhattan attracted some three thousand mourners. Among them were dozens of prominent men, many of them members of New York’s political and reform elites. Dozens of prominent women were there too. Newspapers listed some of them: Eleanor Roosevelt, Democratic Party activist and wife of President-Elect Franklin D. Roosevelt; Frances Perkins, New York State commissioner of labor, soon-to-be US secretary of labor, the first woman to serve in a presidential cabinet; Pauline Morton Sabin, a Republican and founder of the National Organization of Women for Prohibition Reform, a key player in winning repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment; popular novelist, screenwriter, and civic activist Fannie Hurst; Jane Hoey, head of the New York City Welfare Council and later a bureau head in the Social Security Administration; and attorney Anna Moscowitz Kross, soon to be one of Manhattan’s first women magistrates and twenty years later the city’s commissioner of corrections....

Author(s):  
Lauren A. Clay ◽  
Stephanie Rogus

In addition to the direct health impacts of COVID-19, the pandemic disrupted economic, educational, healthcare, and social systems in the US. This cross-sectional study examined the primary and secondary impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic among low-income and minority groups in New York State using the social determinants of health framework. New Yorkers were recruited to complete a web-based survey through Qualtrics. The survey took place in May and June 2020 and asked respondents about COVID-19 health impacts, risk factors, and concerns. Chi-square analysis examined the health effects experienced by race and ethnicity, and significant results were analyzed in a series of logistic regression models. Results showed disparities in the primary and secondary impacts of COVID-19. The majority of differences were reported between Hispanic and white respondents. The largest differences, in terms of magnitude, were reported between other or multiracial respondents and white respondents. Given the disproportionate burden of COVID-19 on minority populations, improved policies and programs to address impacts on lower-paying essential jobs and service positions could reduce exposure risks and improve safety for minority populations. Future research can identify the long-term health consequences of the pandemic on the social determinants of health among populations most at risk.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erica Lasek-Nesselquist ◽  
Navjot Singh ◽  
Alexis Russell ◽  
Daryl Lamson ◽  
John Kelly ◽  
...  

AbstractNew York State, in particular the New York City metropolitan area, was the early epicenter of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in the United States. Similar to initial pandemic dynamics in many metropolitan areas, multiple introductions from various locations appear to have contributed to the swell of positive cases. However, representation and analysis of samples from New York regions outside the greater New York City area were lacking, as were SARS-CoV-2 genomes from the earliest cases associated with the Westchester County outbreak, which represents the first outbreak recorded in New York State. The Wadsworth Center, the public health laboratory of New York State, sought to characterize the transmission dynamics of SARS-CoV-2 across the entire state of New York from March to September with the addition of over 600 genomes from under-sampled and previously unsampled New York counties and to more fully understand the breadth of the initial outbreak in Westchester County. Additional sequencing confirmed the dominance of B.1 and descendant lineages (collectively referred to as B.1.X) in New York State. Community structure, phylogenetic, and phylogeographic analyses suggested that the Westchester outbreak was associated with continued transmission of the virus throughout the state, even after travel restrictions and the on-pause measures of March, contributing to a substantial proportion of the B.1 transmission clusters as of September 30th, 2020.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Tatyiana Gordon

The New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) and the New York City Office of Environmental Remediation (OER) manage and coordinate brownfield cleanup programs. These are intended to promote environmental restoration and redevelopment of underutilized or abandoned properties that have been affected by the presence or discharges of oil or hazardous substances. This paper seeks to determine whether these programs have achieved the goals and objectives sought by decision makers and if the cost of those achievements in terms of public money subsidies and forgone tax revenue have been commensurate with the realized benefits.The DEC brownfield program offers financial incentives, such as tax credits, as well as regulatory benefits (limited liability protections) to promote alternatives to greenfield development. OER efforts are New York City centric with incentives divided into three sectors: procedural, legal, and financial with a major goal of reducing remedial (cleanup) timeframes. To evaluate the effectiveness of the New York City Brownfield program changes in property values over time were evaluated. The five New York City counties experiencing the two highest percent increases in property values also claimed the highest brownfield credits. Queens and Brooklyn received most brownfield credits during this period but also experienced the most redevelopment. These and other data illustrate a return on the brownfield investment (ROBI) credit of about one to six; or one dollar in brownfield credit stimulating six dollars in project spending. New York City counties’ ROBI is consistent with all other New York State County ROBI’s: roughly six dollars in redevelopment activity being stimulated by one dollar in brownfield credit. The roughly $6 ROBI presented here is similar to ROI’s for other public services such as disease prevention and incarceration intervention.


Significance National and state leaders of his Democratic Party had been pressing Cuomo to resign since last week’s publication of a report from State Attorney-General Letitia James detailing his sexual harassment of eleven women, including state employees. Cuomo’s impeachment by the state legislature was looking all but certain by the time he resigned. Impacts Prosecutors in five New York State counties will continue to pursue separate criminal investigations despite Cuomo’s resignation. The State Assembly may complete the impeachment process, despite Cuomo’s resignation, in order to prevent him from running again. Cuomo will continue to talk up his liberal polices, his opposition to Donald Trump, and his leadership during the pandemic.


2019 ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Philip Nash

This chapter looks at the tenure of Florence Jaffray Harriman, minister to Norway (1937–1941). Harriman was a prominent New York City socialite and Democratic Party activist. President Franklin Roosevelt agreed to send the sixty-six-year-old Harriman to Norway because it was a small, neutral country unlikely to become involved in a European war. When World War II broke out in 1939, Harriman was caught in the midst of it. She performed admirably in the episode involving the City of Flint, a US merchant vessel captured by the Germans, and even more so when the Nazis invaded Norway in April 1940. Harriman risked her life trying to keep up with the fleeing Norwegian leadership, which was being pursued by German forces. Her performance in the face of such danger earned her widespread praise, further strengthening the case for female ambassadors.


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1053-1098 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Fleming

When asked why he did not read over the loan documents before signing them, John Doherty explained: “I was anxious to get the money, I didn't bother about it.” In February 1910, the twenty-three-year-old railroad clerk walked into the offices of the Chesterkirk Company, a loan-sharking operation with offices in lower Manhattan. He was looking to borrow some money. Repayment was guaranteed by the only security Doherty had to offer: his prospective wages and, in his words, his “reputation.” After a brief investigation of Doherty's creditworthiness, the loan was approved. The office manager placed a cross in lead pencil at the bottom of a lengthy form and Doherty signed where indicated. He received $34.85 in exchange for his promise to repay the loan principal plus $10.15 in combined fees and interest in three months. The interest charged was significantly greater than the 6 percent per year allowed in New York State. Doherty's effective annualized interest rate, including fees, was over 100 percent.


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