Radical Parliamentarians and the English Civil War

Author(s):  
David R. Como

This book charts the way the English Civil War of the 1640s mutated into a revolution (paving the way for the later execution of King Charles I and the abolition of the monarchy). Focusing on parliament’s most militant supporters, the book reconstructs the origins and nature of the most radical forms of political and religious agitation that erupted during the war, tracing the process by which these forms gradually spread and gained broader acceptance. Drawing on a wide range of manuscript and print sources, the study situates these developments within a revised narrative of the period, revealing the emergence of new practices and structures for the conduct of politics. In the process, the book illuminates the appearance of many of the period’s strikingly novel intellectual currents, including ideas and practices we today associate with western representative democracy—notions of retained natural rights, religious toleration, freedom of the press, and freedom from arbitrary imprisonment. The book also chronicles the way the civil war shattered English Protestantism—leaving behind myriad competing groupings, including congregationalists, baptists, antinomians, and others—while examining the relationship between this religious fragmentation and political change. Finally, the book traces the gradual appearance of openly anti-monarchical, republican sentiment among parliament’s supporters. Radical Parliamentarians provides a new history of the English Civil War, enhancing our understanding of the dramatic events of the 1640s, and shedding light on the long-term political and religious consequences of the conflict.

2021 ◽  
pp. 313-314
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

Wight notes that Williamson’s account of the English Civil War follows ‘the romantic view of history’ as ‘the relationship or interaction of characters’ in sometimes tragic circumstances. Williamson ‘shows a good dramatic sense’, Wight observes, in his narrative of events involving Cromwell and King Charles I of England; but the book fails to show insight on ‘the deeper dialectic of conservative and revolutionary psychology. It illuminates neither the particular clash between the Anglicanism of the King and the Independency of the Lieutenant-General, nor the general problem of political morals in a revolutionary situation.’ Cromwell and Charles were both ‘compelled to political methods which in private circumstances they would have condemned’. Owing in part to Williamson’s ‘life-long Cromwellian fervour’, the book does not attain ‘a high level of political literacy’, nor does it demonstrate deep discernment about the history of these conflicts.


2003 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Don Gilbert

Thomas Habington of Hindlip (1560–1647), a Catholic gentleman, was the first historian of Worcestershire. Had it not been for the English Civil War, his Survey of Worcestershire would probably have been published in the 1640s. In fact it was not published until the 1890s, and then in a form and order which was very different from what he had intended. Others who worked on the history of the county (William Thomas, Bishop Charles Lyttelton, Peter Prattinton and, most importantly, T. R. Nash, whose ‘Collections’ for a history of the county appeared in 1781–2) did so on the basis of Habington’s unpublished manuscripts. In this article the genesis of the ‘Survey’ will be examined, the way in which his conception of its scope altered, his method of gathering materials, the additions he made to the work up to the time of his death in October 1647, and the relevance of his Catholicism to the Survey.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Askew

The post-medieval castle is often neglected in English archaeology, with most analyses focusing on whether the castle was built for status or defence, a debate which has become known as ‘the Battle for Bodiam’. However, in the English Civil War between 1642 and 1651, many castles were fortified either for King Charles I or his rebellious Parliament. Although the fortification of castles during this period is often attributed to acts of desperation and a lack of more suitable defences, an examination of the Royalist occupation of Sandal Castle in West Yorkshire demonstrates how this view is simplistic. The decision to fortify Sandal can be directly linked to the Battle of Wakefield in 1460, when Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, the father of King Edward IV and Richard III, was killed outside its walls. This episode heavily influenced subsequent events, culminating in the occupation of the castle at the outbreak of the English Civil War. The importance of the past during this later conflict is reinforced by the faunal and artefactual assemblages, and the locations in which they were found (and consumed). The complexity of the social discourse at Sandal challenges current approaches in castle studies and highlights the need for a biographical approach which sees the interpretation and interaction of the castle through time and space as far more important than the motivations behind its initial construction. Such a way of proceeding complements existing methodologies but also relies on material culture and history to create a subtler interpretation of these complex buildings.


The Puritans ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 206-251
Author(s):  
David D. Hall

This chapter studies how, in the aftermath of his failure to subdue the Scottish insurgency by military means, Charles I authorized the election of two new parliaments. Its policies were so at odds with Charles I's understanding of monarchy and the true church that the outcome was civil war in England between supporters of the king and supporters of Parliament. Explaining this sequence of events tests every historian of 1630s and 1640s Britain. The puzzles are many. In the context of this book, the most significant of these is the relationship between civil politics and the politics of religion. Intertwined throughout the history of the English and Scottish reformations, their relationship tightened in the practice and rhetoric of Charles I and the party he favored, here known as the Laudians. Like his immediate predecessors, the young king took for granted that opposition to his version of true religion was equivalent to challenging his authority as king. At once, the religious and the political become inseparable. Before 1640, the political and the religious in Scotland had also become intertwined, but in a quite different manner. There, it was being argued that a monarch's policies were corrupting a perfect church. And there a unique event in British history unfolded.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Evans

This reply to the critiques by Daniel Woolf, Cass R. Sunstein and Daniel Nolan of my book Altered Pasts: Counterfactuals in History (Brandeis University Press, 2013), takes each of their contributions in turn, and reasserts the centrality to counterfactual history of positing definite, long term alternative timelines rather than a vague claim that things might have turned out differently to the way they actually did (for example, if the Confederacy had won the Civil War, slavery might still exist in the usa). Such alternate timelines have no claim to either truth or utility since they ignore the many possible contingencies that would most likely have taken place following the initial deviation from the real timeline of history.


Author(s):  
Sarah Cavanagh

Intense political and religious divisions plagued mid-seventeenth-century English society following the execution of King Charles I and the English civil war conflicts.  Against this backdrop, a fringe, troublesome Puritan preacher named Samuel Clarke published a history of Protestant martyrs, A Generall Marytrologie (1651), modeled after John Foxe’s popular Book of Martyrs (1563). Clarke’s less famous but more sensational version offered a zealous, often embellished, graphic account of religious persecution designed to incite anti-Catholic and anti-Irish sentiment. Significantly, his rousing text was supported by eighty crude and provocative engraved images depicting grotesque scenes of abuse and brutal sexual violence repeatedly positioning women and children as victims of “Papist” torture. To modern viewers, the inflammatory visuals are startling and disturbing, but they were enabled by several factors including a censored publishing industry in lockstep with Protestant ideology; a largely illiterate population swayed by traditions of narrative storytelling and visual messaging; and a fractious political environment in which leading figures actively positioned the Irish and Catholics as a menace to English society.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3 (239)) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Paulina Nortowska

The Last Months , Trial and Execution of Charles I in the Opinion of the English Press The aim of this article is to compare different points of view on phenomenon of the trial, conviction and execution of the English (and Scottish) monarch, Charles I. The newsbooks A Perfect diurnall of the passages in Parliament (paper published by Parliament) and Mercurius Pragmaticus, Communicating intelligence from all parts, touching all affaires, designes, humours, and conditions, throughout the kingdome, especially from Westminster and the head‑quartes (newspaper of supporters of King Charles I of England) were analysed and compared. The comparison was made for the years 1647–1649 with a focus on the Second English Civil War. In the case of A Perfect diurnall, the articles published between 3.06.1647 and 7.02.1649 — from the extradition of King Charles I of England to Commissioners to the King’s funeral. The other newsbook, Mercurius Pragmaticus, was published from 14.09.1947 to 1.05.1649. The main focus of this analysis is to show the differences between the two publications in their presentation of the imprisonment, trial and execution of King Charles I.


This volume is an interdisciplinary assessment of the relationship between religion and the FBI. We recount the history of the FBI’s engagement with multiple religious communities and with aspects of public or “civic” religion such as morality and respectability. The book presents new research to explain roughly the history of the FBI’s interaction with religion over approximately one century, from the pre-Hoover period to the post-9/11 era. Along the way, the book explores vexed issues that go beyond the particulars of the FBI’s history—the juxtaposition of “religion” and “cult,” the ways in which race can shape the public’s perceptions of religion (and vica versa), the challenges of mediating between a religious orientation and a secular one, and the role and limits of academic scholarship as a way of addressing the differing worldviews of the FBI and some of the religious communities it encounters.


Author(s):  
Sergei V. Lyovin

The Civil War is one of the largest tragedies in the history of our country. One of its dramatic episodes is the rebel movement led by A.S. Antonov which took place in the Tambov gubenia in 1920–1921 and was brutally suppressed by the Bolsheviks. Its scope is evidenced by the fact that it went beyond the borders of the Tambov gubernia. Separate detachments of Antonovites from the autumn of 1920 to the summer of 1921 raided the territory of the Balashov uyezd of the neighboring Saratov gubernia. The paper attempts to consider the way the uyezd authorities fought the rebels and the way civilians treated them. On the basis of an analysis of the local archival material most of which has not yet been put into scientific circulation, periodicals and the local history literature the author comes to the following conclusion: every time the invasions of Antonov’s detachments into the territory of the Balashov uyezd were so rapid that the local authorities did not manage to organize a proper rebuff, and the peasants, for the most part, supported the rebels since they saw spokesmen and defenders of their interests in them. Only frequent requisitions of peasants’ property by Antonovites as well as the replacement of the surplus appropriation system (Prodrazvyorstka) by the tax in kind (Prodnalog) led to the fact that since the spring of 1921 the support of the rebels by the local population ceased.


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