Spoken Word Production

Author(s):  
Linda R. Wheeldon ◽  
Agnieszka E. Konopka

This chapter examines two distinct stages of the production of spoken words: the retrieval of semantic and lexical representations, followed by morphological and phonological processing. In both cases, it summarizes models of lexical representation and lexical selection that have focused on the retrieval of single words. These models agree that different lexical information becomes available at different points in time, with access to semantic and syntactic information preceding access to information about lexical form. The structure of this review reflects this dichotomy. Comprehensive production models must also account for the sequencing and timing of lexical processing in multiword utterances and for the effects of utterance context on the planning of lexical forms; thus, this review also addresses the issue of lexical integration in longer utterances. Empirical evidence from a range of paradigms is reviewed, including single-object naming paradigms, interference paradigms, and paradigms eliciting full sentences.

2021 ◽  
pp. 174702182110105
Author(s):  
Matteo Mascelloni ◽  
Katie L McMahon ◽  
Vitoria Piai ◽  
Daniel Kleinman ◽  
Greig de Zubicaray

While there is consensus regarding a two-step architecture involving lexical-conceptual and phonological word form levels of processing, accounts of how activation spreads between them (e.g. in a serial, cascaded, or interactive fashion) remain contentious. In addition, production models differ with respect to whether selection occurs at lexical or post-lexical levels. The purpose of the present study was to examine whether mediated phonological-semantic relations (e.g., drip is phonologically related to drill that is semantically related to hammer) influence production in adults as predicted by models implementing cascaded processing and feedback between levels. Two experiments using the Picture-Word Interference (PWI) paradigm were conducted using auditory (Exp. 1) and written (Exp. 2) distractors. We hypothesised that a mediated semantic interference effect would be observable in the former with the involvement of both spoken word production and recognition, and in the latter if lexical representations are shared between written and spoken words in English, as assumed by some production accounts. Further, we hypothesised a mediated semantic interference effect would be inconsistent with a post-lexical selection account as the distractors do not constitute a relevant response for the target picture (e.g., drip-HAMMER). We observed mediated semantic interference only from auditory distractors, while observing the standard semantic interference effect from both auditory and written distractors. The current findings represent the first chronometric evidence involving spoken word production and recognition in support of cascaded processing during lexical retrieval in adults and present a significant challenge for the post-lexical selection account.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 430-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miquel Llompart ◽  
Miquel Simonet

This study investigates the production and auditory lexical processing of words involved in a patterned phonological alternation in two dialects of Catalan spoken on the island of Majorca, Spain. One of these dialects, that of Palma, merges /ɔ/ and /o/ as [o] in unstressed position, and it maintains /u/ as an independent category, [u]. In the dialect of Sóller, a small village, speakers merge unstressed /ɔ/, /o/, and /u/ to [u]. First, a production study asks whether the discrete, rule-based descriptions of the vowel alternations provided in the dialectological literature are able to account adequately for these processes: are mergers complete? Results show that mergers are complete with regards to the main acoustic cue to these vowel contrasts, that is, F1. However, minor differences are maintained for F2 and vowel duration. Second, a lexical decision task using cross-modal priming investigates the strength with which words produced in the phonetic form of the neighboring (versus one’s own) dialect activate the listeners’ lexical representations during spoken word recognition: are words within and across dialects accessed efficiently? The study finds that listeners from one of these dialects, Sóller, process their own and the neighboring forms equally efficiently, while listeners from the other one, Palma, process their own forms more efficiently than those of the neighboring dialect. This study has implications for our understanding of the role of lifelong linguistic experience on speech performance.


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dasun Peramunage ◽  
Sheila E. Blumstein ◽  
Emily B. Myers ◽  
Matthew Goldrick ◽  
Melissa Baese-Berk

The current study examined the neural systems underlying lexically conditioned phonetic variation in spoken word production. Participants were asked to read aloud singly presented words, which either had a voiced minimal pair (MP) neighbor (e.g., cape) or lacked a minimal pair (NMP) neighbor (e.g., cake). The voiced neighbor never appeared in the stimulus set. Behavioral results showed longer voice-onset time for MP target words, replicating earlier behavioral results [Baese-Berk, M., & Goldrick, M. Mechanisms of interaction in speech production. Language and Cognitive Processes, 24, 527–554, 2009]. fMRI results revealed reduced activation for MP words compared to NMP words in a network including left posterior superior temporal gyrus, the supramarginal gyrus, inferior frontal gyrus, and precentral gyrus. These findings support cascade models of spoken word production and show that neural activation at the lexical level modulates activation in those brain regions involved in lexical selection, phonological planning, and, ultimately, motor plans for production. The facilitatory effects for words with MP neighbors suggest that competition effects reflect the overlap inherent in the phonological representation of the target word and its MP neighbor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136700692110310
Author(s):  
Jie Wang ◽  
Andus Wing-Kuen Wong ◽  
Hsuan-Chih Chen

Research question: Previous research suggests that the grain size of primary phonological units (PUs) in spoken word production is language-specific (e.g., phonemic segments in Germanic languages, and atonal syllables in Chinese). When the two languages of bilingual speakers have different primary PUs in their native speakers, will first language (L1) phonological processing be influenced by second language (L2) experience? Methodology: In a picture–word interference task, native Chinese speakers who spoke English as L2 were required to say aloud the predesignated L1 name of a picture while ignoring a written L1 character superimposed on the picture. The picture name shared a certain phonological component (i.e., rhyme or atonal syllable) with the distractor in the related condition but not in the unrelated condition. Data and analysis: Data of 186 participants from eight originally independent experiments were pooled. Multiple regression analyses were conducted on subject means to investigate whether the effects of rhyme relatedness and syllable relatedness on L1 naming latency were influenced by L2 self-rated proficiency, age of acquisition (AoA), and/or years of use. Trial-by-trial data were then analyzed with linear mixed-effects modeling. Findings: Both the rhyme effect and the syllable effect increased with years of L2 use, indicating that the salience of PUs in L1 spoken word production can be influenced by L2 experience. Originality: The current study adopted a chronometric approach to investigate the influence of L2 experience on phonological processing during L1 spoken word production. Importantly, multiple aspects of L2 experience (i.e., self-rated proficiency, AoA, and years of use) were examined at the same time in a relatively large sample. Implications: The current findings provide evidence for backward transfer of primary PUs in spoken word production, which demonstrates the plasticity of the phonological encoding process in bilingual speakers. These findings are discussed and compared with cross-language transfer of phonological awareness in the discussion.


2001 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ming-Wei Lee ◽  
John N. Williams

The competitive nature of the lexical selection process during spoken word production is well established in monolinguals. In this paper we explore the implication of this process for spoken word production in bilinguals. A cross-language semantic competitor priming effect was demonstrated, which shows that cross-language lexical competition is a feature of the word production system of the unbalanced English–French bilinguals who participated in the experiment. Experimental evidence was also found which suggests that a selected language bias effected through inhibition of the unwanted language plays an important role in resolving the cross-language lexical competition during bilingual word production in a selected language. The data further suggest that the dominance of the unwanted language relative to the selected language determines the presence/absence or “strength” of inhibition through which the selected language bias is effected. These findings are also interpreted in terms of a recent language-specific lexical selection account of bilingual lexical access.


Author(s):  
Denisa Bordag ◽  
Kira Gor ◽  
Andreas Opitz

Abstract We introduce the blueprint of the Ontogenesis Model of the L2 Lexical Representation (OM) that focuses on the development of lexical representations. The OM has three dimensions: linguistic domains (phonological, orthographic, and semantic), mappings between domains, and networks of lexical representations. The model assumes that fuzziness is a pervasive property of the L2 lexicon: most L2 lexical representations are low resolution and the ontogenetic curve of their development does not reach the optimum (i.e., the ultimate stage of their attainment with optimal encoding) in one or more dimensions. We review the findings on lexical processing and vocabulary training to show that the OM has a potential to provide an interpretation for the results that have been treated separately and to move us forward in building a comprehensive model of L2 lexical acquisition and processing.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Andrikopoulou ◽  
Athanassios Protopapas ◽  
Amalia Arvaniti

According to a popular model of speech production, stress is underspecified in the lexicon, that is, it is specified only for words with stress patterns other than the default, termed the “default metrics” assumption. Alternatively, stress may be fully specified in the lexicon as part of every lexical representation. In the current study the two accounts are tested in the perceptual domain using behavioral and eye-tracking data in Greek. In a first experiment, cross-modal fragment priming was used in a lexical decision task. According to default metrics, priming should occur for targets with antepenultimate- or final-syllable stress but not for targets with the default penultimate-syllable stress. The same word pairs were used in two subsequent visual world experiments. Default metrics predicts an asymmetric pattern of results, namely that incoming spoken words with the default stress pattern should inhibit the activation of lexical representations with nondefault stress, whereas the converse should not be observed; that is, spoken words with nondefault stress should not inhibit representations of words with the default stress. None of the results provided support for the idea of default metrics, leading to alternative conceptualizations regarding the representation of stress.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (11) ◽  
pp. 864-873 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greig de Zubicaray ◽  
Katie McMahon ◽  
Mathew Eastburn ◽  
Alan Pringle

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