scholarly journals What is the Privatization of Policing?

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 766-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam White
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Ideal Type ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
Market Penetration ◽  
The Public ◽  
Function Formulation ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
The Ideal

Abstract The politics of austerity have deepened market penetration across the UK policing sector, bringing into effect an array of new policing assemblages which cut across the public–private divide like never before and defy simple categorization. However, public discourse has not kept pace with this fast-changing reality, all too often reducing these assemblages into an amorphous singularity–‘privatization’–towards which one is either unambiguously for or against. This article accordingly sets out the analytical tools for developing a more nuanced discourse on the privatization of policing. It first develops a new typology of privatization across five categories: function, formulation of private sphere, trigger of privatization, regulatory influence of the state, and relationship to the ideal-type police monopoly. It then operationalizes this typology using four recent examples of privatization drawn from the UK policing sector. It lastly clarifies how this typology can be used to inform discourse on the privatization of policing.

scholarly journals Experiencing Gender Regimes: Accounts of Women Professors in Mexico, the UK and Sweden

2021 ◽  
pp. 095001702110412
Author(s):  
Laurie Cohen ◽  
Joanne Duberley ◽  
Beatriz Adriana Bustos Torres
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Ideal Type ◽  
Career Experiences ◽  
Gender Regime ◽  
Gender Regimes ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The University ◽  
Women Professors ◽  
The Ideal

This article investigates differences between statistics on gender equality in Mexico, the UK and Sweden, and similarities in women professors’ career experiences in these countries. We use Acker’s inequality regime framework, focusing on gender, to explore our data, and argue that similarities in women professors’ lived experiences are related to an image of the ideal academic. This ideal type is produced in the interplay of the university gender regime and other gender regimes, and reproduced through the process of structuration: signification, domination and legitimation. We suggest that the struggle over legitimation can also be a trigger for change.

The Geographies of Prevent: The Transformation of the Muslim Home into a Pre-Crime Space

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shereen Fernandez
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
Frontline Staff ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Uk

AbstractThe Prevent Duty is part of the UK’s counter-extremism strategy, which aims to prevent individuals from becoming involved in ‘extremism’ and ‘radicalisation’. As a pre-crime measure, the duty is now enforced in public institutions in the UK, from schools to healthcare provisions, and relies on frontline staff to monitor and report on ‘signs’ of extremism and radicalisation. The discussion around Prevent has focused on its implementation and impacts in the public sphere, notably in schools. However, this article aims to disrupt the imagined boundaries of the Prevent Duty and demonstrate how, as a result of this policy, the home—primarily the Muslim home—is treated as a pre-crime space, thus broadening the reach of counter-extremism measures into the private sphere.

Migrant domestic workers and the right to a private and family life

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 288-310
Author(s):  
Natalie Sedacca
Keyword(s):  
Family Life ◽  
Domestic Workers ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
Labour Legislation ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Migrant Domestic Workers

Domestic workers are mainly women, are disproportionately from ethnic minorities and/or international migrants, and are vulnerable to mistreatment, often receiving inadequate protection from labour legislation. This article addresses ways in which the conditions faced by migrant domestic workers can prevent their enjoyment of the right to private and family life. It argues that the focus on this right is illuminating as it allows for the incorporation of issues that are not usually within the remit of labour law into the discussion of working rights, such as access to family reunification, as well as providing for a different perspective on the question of limits on working time – a core labour right that is often denied to domestic workers. These issues are analysed by addressing a case study each from Latin America and Europe, namely Chile and the UK. The article considers impediments to realising the right to private and family life stemming both from the literal border – the operation of immigration controls and visa conditions – and from the figurative border which exists between domestic work and other types of work, reflected in the conflation of domestic workers with family members and stemming from the public/private sphere divide.

Intimacy, Emotion, and Journalism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Wahl-Jorgensen
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experience ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Emotional Impact ◽  
Audience Engagement ◽  
News Production ◽  
The Public ◽  
Journalism Studies ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
The Ideal

Research on emotion and intimacy has been slow to develop in journalism studies. This is due to an allegiance to the model of liberal democracy and the associated ideal of objectivity. However, a growing body of work has shown that despite the historical allegiance to the ideal of objectivity, journalistic texts are—and always have been—profoundly infused with emotion. Emotion and intimacy serve crucial roles in the public discourse of journalism. They are used deliberately and strategically by journalists because they facilitate audience engagement and understanding. Audiences appear to connect with concrete stories of lived experience that dramatize the large and often abstract events that make up the news. Such connection can facilitate the cultivation of compassion—or feeling with others—and thereby engender cosmopolitan sensibilities. Growing scholarly attention to emotion and intimacy in journalism has occurred within the context of a rapidly changing media ecology. Technological changes associated with the digital era, including the rise of user-generated content and the emergence of social media, have ushered in a greater role for “ordinary people” in news production and participation. This has brought about the privileging of more emotional and embodied forms of storytelling. At the same time, these transformations, alongside broader existential threats to journalism, have rendered attention to the emotional impact of journalistic labor particularly urgent.

scholarly journals EDUCATING THE NATION I: SCHOOLS

2014 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandler
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Education ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
High Quality ◽  
The Public ◽  
Selection For ◽  
Post War ◽  
Universal Secondary Education ◽  
Educational Thinking ◽  
The Welfare State ◽  
The Ideal

ABSTRACTThis paper assays the public discourse on secondary education across the twentieth century – what did voters think they wanted from education and how did politicians seek to cater to those desires? The assumption both in historiography and in popular memory is that educational thinking in the post-war decades was dominated by the ideal of ‘meritocracy’ – that is, selection for secondary and higher education on the basis of academic ‘merit’. This paper argues instead that support for ‘meritocracy’ in this period was fragile. After 1945, secondary education came to be seen as a universal benefit, a function of the welfare state analogous to health. Most parents of all classes wanted the ‘best schools’ for their children, and the best schools were widely thought to be the grammar schools; thus support for grammar schools did not imply support for meritocracy, but rather for high-quality universal secondary education. This explains wide popular support for comprehensivisation, so long as it was portrayed as providing ‘grammar schools for all’. Since the 1970s, public discourse on education has focused on curricular control, ‘standards’ and accountability, but still within a context of high-quality universal secondary education, and not the ‘death of the comprehensive’.

"They Ain't Making Elites Like They Used To": The Never Ending Trouble with Democratic Elitism

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Borchert
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Ideal

AbstractThis article identifies three central tenets of democratic elitism as developed by various authors. It then traces the fate of these ideas within democratic theory. Surprisingly, I find almost universal, if unacknowledged, acceptance of democratic elitism's principles in contemporary theories of democracy. In the public, however, there is still a strong yearning for a democracy that is closer to the ideal and more open to public participation. This is reflected in public criticisms of "detached" professional politicians. I argue that a conceptual solution to the tension between the state of democratic theory and the public's expectations may ironically be provided by one strand within the theory of democratic elitism, namely Robert Dahl's theory of polyarchy.

scholarly journals State Policing: Moral Panics and Masculinity in post-2011 Egypt

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Summer) ◽  
pp. 94-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam Mecky
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Moral Panics ◽  
Women's Bodies ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
The Public ◽  
Female Bodies ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article explores the interplay of the politics of moral panics, hegemonic state discourses, and the notion of masculinity in Egypt after the 2011 uprising. As sexual violence in the public sphere has become more visible in Egyptian mainstream public discourse post-2011, the state narrative was often anchored in morality and stability. Through examining three incidents of sexual violence, I attempt to unpack the state rhetoric that aims to police bodies, deeming certain female bodies violable, and vilifying male and female subjectivities. Through the logic of the masculinist state, I examine how the Egyptian state polices women’s bodies and consolidates male sexual dominance over women, using the politics of moral panics. The state, I argue, aims to reinforce its hegemonic masculinity to maintain control over the gendered public sphere and eliminate prospects of socio-political change, thereby consolidating the gendered architecture of citizenship.

scholarly journals “Não se fazem mais elites como antigamente”: o incessante problema do elitismo democrático

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Borchert
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Ideal

“NÃO SE FAZEM MAIS ELITES COMO ANTIGAMENTE”: O INCESSANTE PROBLEMA DO ELITISMO DEMOCRÁTICO  “THEY AIN’T MAKING ELITES LIKE THEY USED TO”: THE NEVER ENDING TROUBLE WITH DEMOCRATIC ELITISM  RESUMO: Este artigo identifica três princípios centrais do elitismo democrático, da forma como foram desenvolvidos por vários autores. Em seguida, segue a sorte dessas ideias dentro da teoria democrática. Surpreendentemente, eu encontro a aceitação quase universal, embora não reconhecida, dos princípios do elitismo democrático nas teorias contemporâneas da democracia. Entre o público, no entanto, ainda existe um forte anseio por uma democracia mais próxima do ideal e mais aberta à participação pública. Isso se reflete nas críticas públicas a políticos profissionais “distanciados”. Eu argumento que uma solução conceitual para a tensão entre o estado da teoria democrática e as expectativas do público pode, ironicamente, ser fornecida por uma corrente dentro da teoria do elitismo democrático, a saber, a teoria da poliarquia de Robert Dahl. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: teorias da democracia, profissionalismo político, autonomia da elite, participação, competição. ABSTRACT: This article identifies three central tenets of democratic elitism as developed by various authors. It then traces the fate of these ideas within democratic theory. Surprisingly, I find almost universal, if unacknowledged, acceptance of democratic elitism’s principles in contemporary theories of democracy. In the public, however, there is still a strong yearning for a democracy that is closer to the ideal and more open to public participation. This is reflected in public criticisms of “detached” professional politicians. I argue that a conceptual solution to the tension between the state of democratic theory and the public’s expectations may ironically be provided by one strand within the theory of democratic elitism, namely Robert Dahl’s theory of polyarchy. 

ICT and E-Democracy

2011 ◽  
pp. 1789-1793
Author(s):  
Robert A. Cropf
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Ideal Type ◽  
The State ◽  
Privacy Rights ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
The Public ◽  
Private Citizens ◽  
German Philosopher ◽  
The Public Sphere

The virtual public sphere does not exist and operate the same everywhere. Every virtual public sphere is different because each country’s economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations are varied. As a result, the impact of information communication technology (ICT) on political and social conditions will also differ from one country to another. According to the German philosopher, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere is a domain existing outside of the private sphere of family relations, the economic sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere dominated by the state. The public sphere contributes to democracy by serving as a forum for deliberation about politics and civic affairs. According to Habermas, the public sphere is marked by liberal core beliefs such as the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights, which are needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state” (Cohen & Arato, 1992, p. 211). Thus, the public sphere is defined as a domain of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe and went into decline in the 19th century. As an ideal type, the public sphere represents an arena, absent class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical, reasoned discourse regarding politics and culture. The remainder of this article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the background of virtual public spheres is discussed by presenting a broad overview of the major literature relating to ICT and democracy as well as distinguishing between virtual and public spheres and e-government. The second section deals with some significant current trends and developments in virtual public spheres. Finally, the third section discusses some future implications for off-line civil society of virtual public spheres.

The Place of Home Rulers in Memoir, Commemoration and Public Discourse, 1922–5

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Martin O'Donoghue
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
The First World War ◽  
National League ◽  
First World

This chapter explores the place of the Irish Party in the public memory as well as the views of grassroots supporters in the state up to the formation of the Irish National League in 1926. There is detailed analysis of how the Irish Party and its leaders were remembered, including debate concerning how those from home rule backgrounds commemorated Ireland’s part in the First World War. However, pointing out that Great War commemorations extended beyond merely gatherings of former Irish Party followers, this chapter interrogates the phenomenon of Redmondite commemorations. This chapter argues that these events demonstrated a clear reservoir of support for John Redmond and the Irish Party in a state where it has previously been suggested that the former leader had been forgotten. This chapter also considers the extant networks of Irish Party supporters which persisted into the Free State such as the Ancient Order of Hibernians and the National Club.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document