scholarly journals EDUCATING THE NATION I: SCHOOLS

2014 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mandler

ABSTRACTThis paper assays the public discourse on secondary education across the twentieth century – what did voters think they wanted from education and how did politicians seek to cater to those desires? The assumption both in historiography and in popular memory is that educational thinking in the post-war decades was dominated by the ideal of ‘meritocracy’ – that is, selection for secondary and higher education on the basis of academic ‘merit’. This paper argues instead that support for ‘meritocracy’ in this period was fragile. After 1945, secondary education came to be seen as a universal benefit, a function of the welfare state analogous to health. Most parents of all classes wanted the ‘best schools’ for their children, and the best schools were widely thought to be the grammar schools; thus support for grammar schools did not imply support for meritocracy, but rather for high-quality universal secondary education. This explains wide popular support for comprehensivisation, so long as it was portrayed as providing ‘grammar schools for all’. Since the 1970s, public discourse on education has focused on curricular control, ‘standards’ and accountability, but still within a context of high-quality universal secondary education, and not the ‘death of the comprehensive’.

Author(s):  
Karin Wahl-Jorgensen

Research on emotion and intimacy has been slow to develop in journalism studies. This is due to an allegiance to the model of liberal democracy and the associated ideal of objectivity. However, a growing body of work has shown that despite the historical allegiance to the ideal of objectivity, journalistic texts are—and always have been—profoundly infused with emotion. Emotion and intimacy serve crucial roles in the public discourse of journalism. They are used deliberately and strategically by journalists because they facilitate audience engagement and understanding. Audiences appear to connect with concrete stories of lived experience that dramatize the large and often abstract events that make up the news. Such connection can facilitate the cultivation of compassion—or feeling with others—and thereby engender cosmopolitan sensibilities. Growing scholarly attention to emotion and intimacy in journalism has occurred within the context of a rapidly changing media ecology. Technological changes associated with the digital era, including the rise of user-generated content and the emergence of social media, have ushered in a greater role for “ordinary people” in news production and participation. This has brought about the privileging of more emotional and embodied forms of storytelling. At the same time, these transformations, alongside broader existential threats to journalism, have rendered attention to the emotional impact of journalistic labor particularly urgent.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Kwiek

This article is based on the Keynote Address to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), Dublin, Ireland, 7–10 September 2005. It argues that we are facing the simultaneous renegotiation of the major post-war social contract (concerning the welfare state) in Europe and the renegotiation of a smaller-scale modern social pact: the pact between the university and the nation-state. It suggests that the current, and especially future, transformations of the university are not fully clear outside of the context of transformations to the state (and to the public sector) under global pressures. These pressures, both directly and indirectly, will not leave the university as an institution unaffected. Thus it is more useful today than ever before to discuss the future of the university in the context of the current transformations of the state. The study is divided into four sections: a brief introduction; a section on the university and the welfare state in Europe; a section on the university and the nation-state in Europe; and tentative conclusions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-287
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Dziedziczak-Foltyn

While referring to Agata Zysiak’s book Punkty za pochodzenie. Powojenna modernizacja i uniwersytet w robotniczym mieście [Points for Class Origin: Post-War Modernization and the University in a Working-Class City] (2016) the author’s intention is to provide an independent voice in the debate on plans to modernize the institution of the university, both in PPR times and at present. She describes the role of the university in Poland’s ideologically created socio-economic modernization. Both the communist and post-transformation reforms of the social system can be treated as being defined by the modernization imperative and a similarly legitimated attempt to overcome backwardness. The following points are raised: (1) the significance of the institution of higher learning in the modernization of the country; (2) the vision of a higher-learning institution guiding two outstanding academics of those times; (3) the university in the public discourse of the communist era; (4) the career paths of the recipients of university educations, that is, the students and graduates of the socialist university; (5) and the career paths of academics in the Polish People’s Republic. Consideration of these questions through the communist and capitalist prisms of modernization changes in Poland makes it possible to advance theses about the function of a higher-learning institution, regardless of the dominant political system.


Author(s):  
Maxime Lepoutre

Democratic Speech in Divided Times offers a comprehensive account of the norms that should govern public discourse in circumstances marked by deep and often unjust social divisions. Part I investigates what forms of democratic speech are desirable in these settings. This part shows, firstly, that some forms of public discourse that are symptomatic of division can nevertheless play a crucial democratic function. In particular, it argues that emotionally charged speech—and most notably, speech voicing deep anger—plays a fundamental role in overcoming entrenched epistemic divisions and in facilitating the exchange of shared reasons. This part also examines how, in contrast, other characteristic features of the public discourse of divided societies endanger democratic life. Here, the argument considers the proliferation of hate speech and misinformation, and examines what forms of democratic speech should be used to combat them. Part II considers how realistic the foregoing account of public discourse is. Specifically, it assesses the complications that arise from intergroup antipathy, pervasive political ignorance, and the fragmentation of the public sphere. The normative picture of public discourse that this book defends can largely withstand these problems. And, while these social conditions do qualify the value of democratic speech in some respects, they are at least as problematic for political ideals that give up on inclusive democratic speech altogether. Accordingly, while realising the ideal of democratic speech that this book outlines is challenging, we should not lose patience with this task.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-177
Author(s):  
Esko Häkkinen

In Finland, a post-war expansion of the welfare state was associated with a decline in the use of imprisonment. The 1990s marked the beginning of a more ambivalent era in Finnish criminal justice. How does this turning point appear in the public discourse on crime by political decision-makers? All parliamentary questions and members’ initiatives from 1975 to 2010 were examined with a keyword-based quantitative search, and further content analysis was conducted on data made up of 1589 written parliamentary questions about crime control from 1970 to 2010. The relative prevalence of criminal policy issues rose significantly in the early 1990s. During the same period, the political initiative moved towards the right and the views of the left seemed to move closer to the right concurrently. Although stances became tougher, expressions of leniency were in the minority before the 1990s too, which stresses the significance of the general level of political attention itself. Developments regarding specific types of crime are discussed. Keywords: Criminal justice, penal policy, legal history, parliamentary democracy, political parties, Finland.


Author(s):  
Chamil Rathnayake

This paper discusses, using the framework of Social Construction of Technology (SCOT) and some recent related work, the design, location, and the funding background of the Colombo Lotus Tower. Lotus Tower is a multifunctional communication tower currently being built in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Popular press articles, a discussion forum at Skyscrapercity.com, website of the Telecommunication Regulatory Commission of Sri Lanka, and content on several related websites were used to understand the public discourse related to the Lotus Tower. According to the public discourse, there are at least three intertwined narratives related to the design and location of the Lotus Tower: 1) Buddhist symbolism, 2) symbolizing post-war Sri Lanka's development, and 3) help develop Colombo as a tourist destination. These three narratives show how power asymmetries between main ethnic groups, aspirations of pre-existing social groups, and government's ability to draw resources shape the construction of the Lotus Tower. Accordingly, the case of Lotus Tower indicates how ethnic, religious, and political factors can make artifact design unique in different contexts.


Author(s):  
Mary Runté ◽  
Robert Runté

A brief historical overview of the evolution of the public discourse of the purpose of higher education is undertaken to provide context for current debates over investment in, and reform of, post-secondary education. Four separate discourses are identified: higher education for enlightenment, to develop human capital, as manpower management, and as consumerism. The dominant discourse of the purpose of higher education is shown to have changed from learning for its own sake to an emphasis on manpower planning and consumerism. The separate assumptions and implications of these distinct discourses are often confabulated with little apparent awareness of the contradictory nature of rhetoric drawn from more than one discourse at a time. The authors provide a simple analytical framework to cut through the confusion.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Regina Kreide

AbstractA deliberative model of politics has recently been criticized for not being very well equipped to conceptualize public spheres in world society.A first critique is that this model assumes a conception of public spheres that is too idealistic, because it presupposes counterfactual conditions of communication in public discourse that do not meet empirical real word conditions. Secondly, it assumes an antiquated notion of a shared “we” of political actors. Because of this it does not take into consideration the “digital turn” and the ego-centering and depersonalizing effects of social media like Facebook, twitter, and blogs, which have led to a rapid decline of the public sphere. And a third critique states that the deliberative model ignores the fact that politics, and especially protests and revolutions, are not seminar-like debates but spontaneous, chaotic and sometimes violent expressions. So it is not just unreceptive for the “digital space” but also for gathering and protesting in real public places surrounded by military troops.I will argue that all of these critiques fall short. A deliberative model of politics allows us to address the tension between the ideal and the real, the “old media” and the so-called digitalization of public spheres as well as peaceful discourse and violent uprisings. Especially the concept of communicative power, a notion also used by Hannah Arendt, reveals the potential for future participation in digital spaces and public places.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Paweł Popieliński ◽  
Piotr Jacek Krzyżanowski

The authors of this article focus on showing the genesis of the situation and the attitude towards Sinti and Roma in the Third Reich and post-war Germany. They deal with the issue of commemorating the persecution and genocide of this community in post-war and reunified Germany. The article also indicates a selection of some of the most important memorial sites in Germany dedicated to Sinti and Roma. The genocide of Sinti and Roma represents an important turning point in their history. In line with the racist policy of the Third Reich, they were outlawed and sentenced to extermination. The subject of the Sinti and Roma extermination was long absent in the public discourse of post-war Germany and in the consciousness of society. While the Federal Republic of Germany recognised the Jewish victims fairly quickly, the Sinti and Roma genocide was ignored. The official version of the narrative stated that Sinti and Roma were persecuted in Nazi Germany not because of racist policies but because of social maladjustment (Asoziale). It was only in the 1980s that places devoted to the persecution and extermination of Sinti and Roma began to be commemorated.The present memory of the victims and the recognition of the rights of Sinti and Roma in Germany are the result of their ethnic mobilisation and long and hard-won campaigns for equal participation in society. Today, the commemoration of the wrongs suffered by Sinti and Roma during the Nazi regime is an important step for German society in dealing with its past.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 59-73
Author(s):  
Rafał Leśniczak

The author analyses several selected speeches of Italian politicians: the founder of the Forza Italia party, Silvio Berlusconi; the founder and leader of the Five Stars Movement, Beppe Grillo; and the current Prime Minister of Italy, Matteo Renzi. The study makes it possible to evaluate whether the conditions for the ideale Sprechsituation (the ideal speech situation) of Jürgen Habermas are fulfilled in analysing the public discourse. Particular attention will be given to the relationship between the persuasiveness of the communication and the problem of legitimacy.


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