scholarly journals X. An account, by Mr. John Eames, F. R. S. of a book intituled, Jacobi Theodori Klein Historiæ Piscium Naturalis promovendæ Missus primus Gedani, 1740. 4 to ; Or, the first number of an essay towards promoting the natural history of fishes, by Mr. Klein, Secretary of Dantzick, and F. R. S

1743 ◽  
Vol 42 (462) ◽  
pp. 27-33

Although the Natural History of Animals has been vastly improved, since several of the worthy Members of the Royal Society, both at Home and Abroad, have taken it under their Consideration

1731 ◽  
Vol 37 (421) ◽  
pp. 219-220

It is not my Intention to enter into a long Detail of what I have hitherto performed in Natural History, both in general, and that of Swisserland in particular, left I might seem guilty of Vanity even in merely relating it.


1695 ◽  
Vol 19 (217) ◽  
pp. 115-124

V. An account of books. I. An essay toward a natural history of the earth, and terrestrial bodies, especially minerals: As also of the sea, rivers, and springs. With an account of the universal deluge, and of the effects that it had upon the earth. By John Woodward, M. D. Professor of Physick in Gresham College, and Fellow of the Royal Society. Printed for Ric. Wilkin at the King's Head in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1695. Octavo. 2. An account of a paper, entituled, archibaldi pitcarnii, M. D. dissertatio de Febribus, &c. The Author of this Book having with great Industry, and no less Success, made Enquiry into many considerable Parts of Nature, hath thought fit here to set forth an Account of several of his Observations, and of certain Conclusions which he hath drawn from them, whereof many are indeed of great weight and moment, but all in a compendious manner, as intending this Discourse only as a Prœlude to one-much larger, and to comply with the Importunities of some Persons of Worth, who .requested a brief Account of these things from him, for their present Satisfaction, until his Affairs should permit the compleating of his Greater Work, which he promiseth, with a further Proof both of these, and of others not yet proposed.


1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Mulligan

Robert Hooke's intellectual life was steadfastly dedicated to the pursuit of natural philosophy and the formulation of an appropriate method for studying nature, His daily life, however, was seemingly fragmented—an energetic rush in and around the city of London, with him acting now as curator (and later secretary) of the Royal Society, now as Cutlerian Lecturer in the History of Nature and Art, now as Geometry Professor at Gresham College, now as architect and surveyor of postfire London, and forever as a member of a number of intersecting social, intellectual, and professional circles that made up London's coffeehouse culture. Such a range of activities was perhaps wider than that of many of his contemporaries, though other diarists, most notably Samuel Pepys, recorded similarly crammed lives. Yet despite the apparently unsystematic nature of his daily round he was, also like Pepys, a methodical man who hated to waste time, and for long periods he kept a diary that helped him account for how he spent it.I argue here that his diary keeping was an integral part of his scientific vision reflecting the epistemological and methodological practices that guided him as a student of nature. The diary should be read, I propose, not as an “after-hours” incidental activity removed from his professional and intellectual life; both its form and its content suggest that he chose to record a self that was as subject to scientific scrutiny as the rest of nature and that he thought that such a record could be applied to producing, in the end, a fully objective “history” with himself as the datum.


Sir Hans Sloane (1660-1753) is remembered more for his activities in the spheres of science and medicine than for his original contributions to these fields. His large treatise on the natural history of Jamaica (2 vols., 1707- 1725) and other writings were useful additions to the scientific literature, but they were overshadowed by his activities as President of both the Royal Society (1727-1741) and the Royal College of Physicians (1719-1735) and by his having provided the collections which became the foundation of the British Museum. There is no definitive study on him, but the two recent biographies by De Beer and Brooks provide a good picture of his life and work (1). Sloane carried on a voluminous correspondence, and most of the letters written to him are preserved in the British Museum—largely unpublished (2). Among them are a dozen letters from Richard Bradley (1688?—5 November 1732), which throw somewhat more light on Bradley than on Sloane. They also illustrate the adverse conditions under which men without wealth have sometimes worked when pursuing scientific activities. Bradley was a prolific author of books on agriculture, horticulture, biology, and medicine. As will appear from his letters, he was often the pawn of booksellers, and John Martyn (1699-1768), his malicious rival, commented shortly after his death that ‘The booksellers have lost a good easy pad’ (3). Bradley was at times only a popularizer or a hack, but he also produced writings having scientific merit (4). Furthermore, he was a Fellow of the Royal Society and the first Professor of Botany at the University of Cambridge. His correspondence with Sloane is therefore of interest for adding to our knowledge of both men and the scientific activities of their time.


1743 ◽  
Vol 42 (470) ◽  
pp. 523-541 ◽  

Sir , Although many Authors have given Accounts and Figures of the Rhi­noceros from time to time, and although there was one in England in 1685.


1766 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 32-34 ◽  

Mr Lord; When I had the honor of laying my natural history of the Rhinoceros before this learned Society in 1743, which is printed in number 470, page 523, of the Transactions, I had not an opportunity of shewing a double horn to the members; I have, therefore, taken this first occasion to entertain the present members with a sight of a noble specimen of the horns of an African Rhinoceros, brought from the Cape of Good Hope, by my curious and worthy friend William Maguire esquire, among many other curiosities; presuming that few of the Society have ever seen a pair of the like kind.


Author(s):  
Fabio E Leal ◽  
Maria C Mendes-Correa ◽  
Lewis F Buss ◽  
Silvia F Costa ◽  
Joao CS Bizario ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTBackgroundDespite most cases not requiring hospital care, there are limited community-based clinical data on COVID-19.Methods and findingsThe Corona São Caetano program is a primary care initiative offering COVID-19 care to all residents of São Caetano do Sul, Brazil. After triage of potentially severe cases, consecutive patients presenting between 13th April and 13th May 2020 were tested at home with SARS-CoV-2 reverse transcriptase (RT) PCR; positive patients were followed up for 14 days. RT-PCR-negative patients were offered SARS-CoV-2 serology. We describe the clinical features, virology and natural history of this prospective population-based cohort. Of 2,073 suspected COVID-19 cases, 1,583 (76·4%) were tested by RT-PCR, of whom 444 (28·0%, 95%CI: 25·9% - 30·3%) were positive; 604/1,136 (53%) RT-PCR-negative patients underwent serology, of whom 52 (8·6%) tested SARS-CoV-2 seropositive. The most common symptoms of COVID-19 were cough, fatigue, myalgia and headache; whereas self-reported fever, anosmia, and ageusia were most associated with a positive COVID-19 diagnosis. RT-PCR cycle thresholds were lower in men, older patients, those with fever and arthralgia, and around symptom onset. The rates of hospitalization and death among 444 RT-PCR-positive cases were 6·7% and 0·7%, respectively, with older age and obesity more frequent in the hospitalized group.ConclusionsCOVID-19 presents similarly to other mild respiratory disease in primary care. Some symptoms assist the differential diagnosis. Most patients can be managed at home.


2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale R. Calder

Thomas Hincks was born 15 July 1818 in Exeter, England. He attended Manchester New College, York, from 1833 to 1839, and received a B.A. from the University of London in 1840. In 1839 he commenced a 30-year career as a cleric, and served with distinction at Unitarian chapels in Ireland and England. Meanwhile, he enthusiastically pursued interests in natural history. A breakdown in his health and permanent voice impairment during 1867–68 while at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, forced him reluctantly to resign from active ministry in 1869. He moved to Taunton and later to Clifton, and devoted much of the rest of his life to natural history. Hincks was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of London in 1872 for noteworthy contributions to natural history. Foremost among his publications in science were A history of the British hydroid zoophytes (1868) and A history of the British marine Polyzoa (1880). Hincks named 24 families, 52 genera and 360 species and subspecies of invertebrates, mostly Bryozoa and Hydrozoa. Hincks died 25 January 1899 in Clifton, and was buried in Leeds. His important bryozoan and hydroid collections are in the Natural History Museum, London. At least six genera and 13 species of invertebrates are named in his honour.


In the field of natural history the Hon. Daines Barrington (1727—1800) is best known as one of the correspondents to whom Gilbert White addressed many of the letters that comprise The Natural History of Selhorne (1). Of almost equal familiarity is the knowledge that Barrington devised the format of The Naturalist's Journal (2), in copies of which White recorded near daily observations of weather and other natural occurrences for a period of over 25 years. That the putative correspondence of Selborne was based on a real correspondence (3), and that Barrington arranged for four of White’s dissertations (4), on ‘hirundines’, to be read at meetings of the Royal Society (5), is also well known. What, however, as the result of recent research, can now be reported for the first time, is that Barrington’s contribution to White’s work extends a good deal further than has been previously thought; and that, with William Sheffield (6), he provided White with the incentive both to ‘quicken [his] Industry, & sharpen [his] attention’ (7)—two important acknowledgements for a man who, throughout his life, experienced a degree of isolation (8), and who, as an old man, in response to a correspondent who complained ‘a little of Procrastination’ , claimed:


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-100
Author(s):  
Cameron B Strang

This essay focuses on the history of psychometry, the science of soul measuring. For its founder, Dr Joseph Rodes Buchanan, the soul was simultaneously an object for anthropological research and a measuring instrument capable of revealing human character, interpreting natural history, and demonstrating the reality of an immortal soul. Psychometry taught that human souls, especially those of women, were capable of acting as instruments because they could feel the mysterious energies that people and objects radiated. Although orthodox male scientists rejected the visions of sensitive women as the antithesis of reliable data, psychometric researchers believed that the feelings of women were both the instruments and information that made their science possible. Psychometry promised to revolutionize science by insisting that sympathy and subjectivity, not detachment and objectivity, ought to undergird research. Yet as male experimenters worked to prove psychometry’s effectiveness, they almost invariably cast themselves as detached observers accurately recording the data provided by their female instruments. Thus, despite pushing for scientific reform, the methods and discourse of male psychometric experimenters eroded their field’s core arguments about connectedness and subjectivity and, instead, reinforced the notion that detachment and objectivity were essential to legitimate science. Challenges to objectivity could prove just how thoroughly it dominated scientific discourse and practice. Still, some psychometers, particularly women who practiced at home, were untroubled by the fact that their research was predicated on subjective feelings, and psychometry remained a viable pursuit among spiritualists even as it faded from the realm of science. Psychometry emerged and, ultimately, fractured amid tensions between widespread enthusiasm for sciences that emphasized spiritual connectedness and the mounting pressure to legitimize scientific knowledge through the language and practices of objectivity.


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