Trust and decision making: are managers different in the People’s Republic of China and in Australia?

2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Yuan Wang ◽  
Stewart Clegg
1988 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
David K. Tse ◽  
Kam-hon Lee ◽  
Ilan Vertinsky ◽  
Donald A. Wehrung

The authors investigate whether a manager's home culture significantly influences his or her international marketing decisions. They also examine whether the impact of home culture diminishes in an open economy with intense exposure to international markets, giving way to a process of “globalization.” Decision making in four simulated international marketing situations was studied with executives from the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, and Canada. The findings confirm that home culture has predictable, significant effects on the decision making of the executives from the People's Republic of China and Canada. Chinese executives from Hong Kong were influenced by a combination of Western and Chinese cultural norms.


2005 ◽  
Vol 181 ◽  
pp. 173-174
Author(s):  
Erica S. Downs

Phillip Andrews-Speed has written a timely book. China's rapid economic growth has generated an enormous appetite for energy. Over the past decade, China has become an increasingly important factor in global energy markets. China was responsible for about one third of the increase in daily world oil consumption in 2003, and China's demand for oil and coal has contributed to the recent higher prices for both of these commodities. Consequently, the decisions Beijing makes – and does not make – about energy will have an increasing impact not only on China but also on the rest of the world.Energy Policy and Regulation in the People's Republic of China surveys energy policy formulation, implementation and regulation in China. The book is primarily based on research previously published by the author, and reads more like a collection of parts than an organic whole. Nonetheless, two themes loosely bind the chapters together. First, China lacks a coherent energy policy. Secondly, China's powerful state-owned energy companies exert considerable influence over energy decision-making.Andrews-Speed argues that China's energy policy incoherence can be explained, in part, by the fragmented institutional structure of energy decision-making. China does not have a Ministry of Energy to oversee the formulation and implementation of policy. Currently, this responsibility nominally falls to the Energy Bureau within the National Development Reform Commission (NDRC). Yet, the Energy Bureau lacks both the manpower and the authority to play a major role in policy making. Both the Chinese and Western media indicate that the Energy Bureau's small staff of 30 is so overwhelmed with projects in need of approval that it has little time to devise and co-ordinate broader policy objectives. The Energy Bureau's ability to shape policy is also limited by the fact that it is only one of many actors involved in energy matters. Energy decisions, according to Andrews-Speed, are the result of bargaining and consensus-building among the stakeholders in any given initiative and do not reflect an overarching strategy for energy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Justyna Bazylińska-Nagler

The latest revision from 2014 of the Chinese Environmental Protection Law introduced a new mechanism of public participation in environmental law-making. It forces the Chinese legislative process to be more transparent and inclusive, that is to say — involve civil society and NGOs. Generally, this development deserves support and approval; there are, however, several shortcomings that should be addressed in the future. For instance, neither the level of cooperation between legislature and civil society nor the outcomes of public participation do always meet social expectations. The purpose of this work was to research the Chinese model of public participation in environmental decision-making, bearing in mind the authoritarian governance of the People’s Republic of China. Then, to analyze the real impact of the international cooperation and standards on the application of this model. Specifically, the EU–China Environmental Governance Programme (2010–2015) was discussed as a very influential example. The outcome of the research shows that Chinese environmental law has been notably shaped by public international and European law. There are considerable similarities between the legal instruments of environmental democracy applied in China and public international law standards promoted by the United Nations and the European Union through the implementation of the Aarhus Convention of 1998. And, without doubt, it has to be recognised that the People’s Republic of China has its own rich and diversified, however contradictory during the course of history, doctrines and a jurisprudence body of work considering civil society’s participatory role in decision-making. Each of the successive Chinese forms of government — beginning with despotism, then a glimpse of democracy, totalitarianism, and, finally, authoritarianism — did leave their mark on the Chinese political thought and law regarding the desired participation level of society (i.e. various civil movements and NGOs) in state affairs. In this day and age, social interest and support for the environmental protection is well-accepted by the Chinese government, especially due to the current plan of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to build an “ecological civilization” in China.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Santiago Jaramillo Jaramillo

The creation of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB) was one of the lasts movements that confirmed the new found place of People’s Republic of China not only as major exporter, but as a new pillar of the world economy. This instalment comes at a time where Asia and other powers come to terms not only of trove of opportunity out of incredibly robust economic ties, but the anxiousness from facing a new found rival for other powers, or the revival of old disputes in the eyes of neighbours. Beijing has ensured that its dominance upon the bank’s structure and decisions since this bodies often need a major power as guarantor of its functionality. Plus, other similar institutions have been relatively successful but no immune to criticisms and risks like decision-making deadlock out of diverging interests from constituents. To prevent this, the AIIB must be able to produce tangible results, grant a membership worthy of being universal, develop a set of core specific policies and prove to be able to adapt in wake of a traumatic situation. Despite of this, the bank has been in existence for little over a year and the fulfillment of the prior challenges remains to be seen.


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