An evaluation of mid-stream operation in Hong Kong

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 410-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yui-yip Lau ◽  
Adolf K.Y. Ng

Purpose Mid-stream operation has had a significant role in Hong Kong’s economic development since the 1960s. Prior to the building of container terminals in Hong Kong, cargo was mainly loaded onto and discharged from ocean-going vessels by mid-stream operations and then shipped to Europe and North America. This paper aims to reinforce mid-stream operation is considered a “must” in supporting the substantial growth of maritime industry and strengthening Hong Kong’s role as an entrepôt. Design/methodology/approach The authors undertake a historical review of the evolution of Hong Kong’s mid-stream operation over the past half-century and investigate the future of mid-stream operation in light of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government’s policy of allocating Public Cargo Working Areas through an open auction process. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews are also undertaken in this study. Findings The emergence of container terminals generated competition for cargo between container terminals and mid-stream operators. In addition, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government’s policy of allocating Public Cargo Working Areas to mid-stream operators through an open auction process intensified negative influences on the survival of the mid-stream operation sector. Originality/value To date, mid-stream operation has been abandoned nearly everywhere except in Hong Kong. Yet, Hong Kong’s container system has become the most advanced in the world. The authors explain how and why mid-stream operation still plays such a key role in Hong Kong and how to enhance its sustainability. The authors also discuss the academic and managerial implications of their findings.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384
Author(s):  
Chung Fun Steven Hung

Purpose After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history. Design/methodology/approach The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization. Findings With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties. Originality/value This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-276
Author(s):  
Jean A. Berlie

PurposeThis article looks at the differences and similarities between globalization and the role of China on globalization, in particular for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China (HKSAR).Design/methodology/approachThis article is based on research, reading, and interviews on globalization.FindingsChina is promoting the new globalization of the century called Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which is a unique way to boost again the economy of China.Originality/valueStudies of the New Maritime and Land Silk Road of China are rare; in particular, the role of the HKSAR is ignored. Macau also plays a role because it was the first point of globalization in the seventeenth century. China is really a global country, and the Chinese are numerous in all continents. Chinese Internet role is also mentioned. Globalization is a key concept not only for China and Asia but also for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), Africa, and countries in Latin America such as Bolivia and Venezuela. This article looks at the differences and similarities between globalization and the role of China on globalization. The HKSAR and the Greater Bay Area are part of the same country. China is developing the new globalization of the century called, in 2017, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The current definition of Chinese globalization includes land and maritime Silk Road, now the BRI.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony B.L. Cheung

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify the underlying problems of the recent socio-political disturbance originated from the amendments of extradition law in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The perspectives of politics and governance are adopted to analyze the current situation. Findings Three underlying problems are identified, including the existential crisis under “One Country, Two Systems”, the politics of “fear of losing” and the institutional weakness to reform and change under the current system of “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong”. Originality/value The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government should take initiatives to address the above problems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin Y. So ◽  
Ping Lam Ip

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the changing pattern of identity politics in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It shows that in response to the massive urban renewal projects in the 2000s, “civic localism” in the form of cultural preservation movement emerged to protect local community culture against the government-business hegemony. However, due to the deepening of social integration between Hong Kong and the mainland, a new “anti-mainland localism” emerged in the 2010s against the influx of mainlanders. In 2015–2016, as a result of Beijing’s active interference in Hong Kong affairs, localism is further transformed to Hong Kong “independence.” Design/methodology/approach This paper uses a historical methodology to trace the changing pattern of identity politics in Hong Kong after it becomes a special administrative region of China in 1997. Findings It shows how the interaction among the following three factors has shaped the pattern of localism in Hong Kong: macro historical-structural context, social movement dynamics and the response of Hong Kong and mainland government. Practical implications This paper argues that Beijing’s hardline policy toward Hong Kong localism may work in the short run to all push the pro-independence activities underground. However, unless the structural contradiction of the HKSAR is resolved, it seems likely that anti-mainland localism and Hong Kong independence sentiment and movement will come back with a vengeance at a later stage. Originality/value The literature tends to discuss Hong Kong localism in very general terms and fails to reveal its changing nature. This paper contributes by distinguishing three different forms of localism: civic localism in the mid-2000s, anti-mainland in the late 2000s and early 2010s, and independence after 2016. It shows how the macro historical-structural transformation, social movement dynamics and the responses of the Hong Kong SAR government and Beijing government have led to the changes of civic localism to anti-mainland localism, and finally to independence.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siu-kai Lau

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to identify the major political and social effects of the Hong Kong National Security Law on Hong Kong. It is argued that the enactment of this Law allows Hong Kong not only to end its protracted political turmoil since its return to China in 1997, but also will generate the favorable conditions for long-term stability and effective governance in the territory.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the author’s close observation of what had happened in Hong Kong in the year since the Hong Kong National Security Law came into effect on 1 July 2020.FindingsThe Hong Kong National Security Law has brought about significant changes in the political psychology of Hongkongers, the balance of power among different political forces, the ability of external forces to interfere in Hong Kong politics, the way Hong Kong is governed, the relationship between the government and the legislature, the activities in the educational and cultural sectors, and the behavior of the judiciary.Originality/valueThis paper would be of interest to scholars and people who are interested in the implementation of “One Country, Two Systems” in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) as well as Beijing’s new policy towards Hong Kong in the aftermath of Hong Kong’s unprecedented riots and violence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Simon N.M. Young

The Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (NSL) was passed on June 30, 2020 by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC). It did not have immediate direct effect in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). After consulting the Committee for the Basic Law of the HKSAR (BLC) and the Government of the HKSAR (HKSARG), the NPCSC added the NSL to Annex III of The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (Basic Law) before the Chief Executive of the HKSAR (Chief Executive) promulgated the NSL for local application. All this happened on June 30, enabling the NSL to enter into force at 11 p.m., just ahead of the twenty-third anniversary of the establishment of the HKSAR on July 1, 2020.


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