New scandals threaten Guatemala’s president

Subject Mounting corruption pressures. Significance The Supreme Court on October 11 dismissed a complaint against President Jimmy Morales, regarding undeclared monthly payments he was receiving from the military. The move comes in a month that has seen corruption investigations launched into Guatemala City Mayor and former President Alvaro Arzu (1996-2000), and the Foreign Ministry refuse a visa to the head of the UN-led International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), Ivan Velazquez -- an individual Morales has previously attempted to expel from the country. Impacts Efforts to renegotiate the CICIG’s mandate could lead to pointed rebuke by the UN. Perceived efforts to hinder investigations could weigh on international aid, some of which is conditional on anti-corruption progress. Attorney General Thelma Aldana will step down in May, removing one of CICIG’s strongest allies and undermining its effectiveness.

Significance Disputes over constitutionality are tense, and similarly between the executive and legislature, with Maduro preparing to cut funding to the opposition-dominated National Assembly. At the same time, regional pressure is mounting with members of the Mercosur group blocking Venezuela from assuming the body's rotating presidency. Impacts Pressure on the CNE will intensify as the opposition and government respectively seek to advance and block next steps in the recall process. For symbolic reasons, the opposition will keep the Assembly open even if funds are cut and the Supreme Court annuls its initiatives. The dispute with Mercosur will put an already pressured Venezuelan Foreign Ministry on a back foot.


Subject Morales pressures. Significance The UN-led International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) and the attorney general’s office on August 10 formally requested that the supreme court allow a legislative vote on whether President Jimmy Morales can be stripped of immunity from prosecution. Morales is facing investigation over allegations of illegal campaign financing, which undermine his stated commitment to combating corruption. Impacts Confrontation with the CICIG could affect aid financing from international donors, especially those linked to the UN. A successful push to remove Morales’s immunity would likely spark a series of similar motions against serving legislators. Popular frustration with the political establishment will position new, anti-corruption parties well for the elections in 2019.


Subject The Pakistan military's influence on domestic politics. Significance Parliament last month passed legislation extending the tenure of the current chief of army staff, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, for another three years. This followed a November ruling by the Supreme Court striking down an extension granted by Prime Minister Imran Khan's government. While Pakistan struggles to ease its economic woes and secure diplomatic support for its position on Kashmir, over which it disputes sovereignty with India, the politically powerful military is orchestrating efforts to mediate peace in Afghanistan and consolidate relations with key partners. Impacts The military will ensure that Khan remains in power, as it regards him as a suitably acquiescent prime minister. Most political parties will toe the military's line. Bajwa's likely successor as army chief, Faiz Hameed, may lack the charisma to command the same loyalty from senior officers.


Significance Her impeachment is part of the junta's broader effort permanently to prevent the Shinawatra family from regaining power. The second step, Yingluck's arraignment before the Supreme Court on criminal charges also related to the rice scheme, will take place in February. In addition, the Election Commission has announced that it, too, may bring charges against Yingluck in coming weeks, allegedly for using government funds for her election campaign last February. Impacts The military can prevent any violent uprising by Thaksin supporters -- for the time being. Should the junta overplay its hand, the risk of an uprising would rise, potentially jeopardising foreign investment. The risk of tighter international sanctions against Thailand is minimal.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Zulfia Hanum Alfi Syahr

The improvement of court’s quality has been done through various efforts, one of them is an accreditation program. Before the implementation of internal accreditation policies, the courts under the Supreme Court had used ISO standards to maintain the service quality. Along with the development of judiciary innovations especially the dream toward the great judiciary, the Supreme Court has developed special accreditation standards for each judicial environment. General Court (Badilum) has implemented the Quality Assurance Accreditation (APM) programme in 7 assessment areas. Afterward, the Religious Courts (Badilag) in addition to 7 APM areas as in Badilum also applied 9 other assessment standards. Furthermore, the Military and Administration Agency (Badilmiltun) has 7 different accreditation assessment areas with Badilum and Badilag. The problem that will be examined is how to determine the ideal criteria for assessing court accreditation. Given that the ideal accreditation standard is not only improving the quality of court services but also being able to meet the needs and expectations of justice seekers, as indicated by the community satisfaction index. The court accreditation standard used today is the adoption of the International Framework of Court excellent (IFCE) and is adapted to the area of Bureaucratic Reform and the oversight function of the Supreme Court. The method of determining accreditation criteria is done by comparing court accreditation standards that have been used with the SERVQUAL model. The SERVQUAL model is an initial model that appears to measure service quality. The results of the study found that a number of court accreditation assessment standards has been represented the dimensions of service quality at SERVQUAL.


Author(s):  
Danny M. Adkison ◽  
Lisa McNair Palmer

This chapter discusses Article VIII of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns impeachment and removal from office. Section 1 states that “the Governor and other elective state officers, including the Justices of the Supreme Court, shall be liable and subject to impeachment for wilful neglect of duty, corruption in office, habitual drunkenness, incompetency, or any offense involving moral turpitude committed while in office.” Moreover, “all elected state officers, including Justices of the Supreme Court and Judges of the Court of Criminal Appeals, shall be automatically suspended from office upon their being declared guilty of a felony by a court of competent jurisdiction.” Two other methods for removing elected officials not mentioned in Section 1 are specified in state law pursuant to Section 2. The first provides for a grand jury to accuse an official and present its findings to a district judge. The second allows the governor to instruct the attorney general to investigate an official and, if official misconduct is found, to institute proceedings in court. Section 3 designates the chief justice of the Oklahoma Supreme Court as the presiding officer in an impeachment trial. Lastly, Section 4 requires senators to take an oath and specifies a two-thirds vote of those present in order to convict.


2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Kaplan

Current discussions on the political developments in Turkey frequently frame the struggles between the military and religious parties as a war between secularism and Islam and draw out incommensurable differences between the two sides. Indeed, the military establishment, which casts itself as the guardian of the secular republic, succeeded in 1997 in having the Supreme Court ban the Welfare Party, the first openly religious party ever to form a government in the Turkish Republic. The generals justified this seemingly undemocratic move by claiming that that this party was trying to reinstate the sacred shari[ayin]a law.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-109
Author(s):  
Robert J. Harris

There were two changes in the personnel of the Supreme Court during the 1949 term. Attorney General Tom C. Clark was sworn in as an Associate Justice to succeed the late Justice Frank Murphy on August 24, 1949, after his nomination by President Truman had been approved on August 19 by a vote of 73 to 8. Judge Sherman Minton of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals was nominated to be an Associate Justice on September 15, 1949, to succeed Justice Wiley Rutledge. His nomination was approved by the Senate on October 4 by a vote of 48 to 16, and he was sworn in on October 12. During much of the term Justice Douglas was absent as the result of an accident incurred during the preceding summer recess. The loss of Justices Murphy and Rutledge greatly weakened the liberal alignment of the Court and very positively influenced the decision of a number of doubtful cases contrary to precedents of a recent date.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document