Prospects for Belt and Road in Central Asia in 2018-22

Subject Prospects Belt and Road in Central Asia. Significance The Central Asian states are the focus of investment associated with the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB), the westward overland part of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The SREB offers them a unique chance to become central transport hubs rather than peripheral, landlocked territories but they are also seeking to build productive and export capacity through Chinese investment.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-864
Author(s):  
Stanislav E. Martynenko ◽  
Nickolay P. Parkhitko

This article examines Russo-Chinese investment cooperation in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (originally the Silk Road Economic Belt). At the same time, it also studies bilateral agreements, as well as investment and mechanisms. Another focus is the impact of the BRI in Central Asian countries on Russian interests in the region. Research is based on an analysis of the history of joint Russian and Chinese initiatives for economic development to determine the feasibility of cooperation in the BRI. Meanwhile, the authors discuss the BRI’s impact on the economic and foreign policy of the two partners, as well as the risks and opportunities for Russia. The article is based on content and statistical analysis combined with a historical approach. It concludes that Russia and China are actively developing investment cooperation in the framework of the BRI, including the Silk Road Fund. The principal elements of the partnership involve the economy and processing and transporting energy resources. Its objective is to attain both regional economic stability as well as maximizing economic and political independence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Ahmed Qadri , Sundus Qureshi

The New Silk Road (NSR), one of China's most ambitious economic plans, was unveiled by President Xi Jinping in 2013 and is intended to act as the Central Asian component of the Eurasian Belt and Road Initiative (Belt Road) (BRI). By enhancing and expanding China's security arc westward, as well as developing them as a transportation corridor connecting China to Europe, Beijing is able to consolidate its current economic investments while also launching new projects in Central Asia and South Asia, as well as attracting new investment from other countries. The NSR, touted by China as simply a development project, is loaded with wide-ranging security implications. China's infrastructure security and investment concerns in Central Asia are examined in this research, which examines the interplay between these two issues. China's non-state retaliation (NSR) in Central Asia is investigated in three ways: With its securitization push, the Silk Road Initiative not only consolidates the power of the Central Asian regimes; it also grants China an important position managing safeguards; and it allows the ultra-rich to move between the lure of Chinese investments and the appeasement of popular fears about China's growing influence. According to this report, NSR aid and investment from China has received an overall favourable reaction in the area, with some countries concerned about the consequences of the project on their sovereignty and security, as well as the promise of connection and prosperity (a "win-win" situation). A look at China's growing security and economic commitment in Central Asia and the tight Sino-Russian friendship, as well as the areas of collaboration and complementarity between the two countries, is included in the article's concluding paragraphs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasan H. Karrar

Abstract This article asks, (1) Why did Afiyatabad, a nondescript bazaar along the Pakistan-China border, emerge along an uninhabited stretch of the Karakoram highway?, and (2) How did Afiyatabad adapt—through bazaar infrastructure, local capital investment, and labor migration—first to state-led development, and more recently, to the promise of economic corridor development? The article illustrates how Afiyatabad emerged from unfolding border regimes on Pakistan's central Asian margins since the 1980s. More recently, the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), one of six corridors under Beijing's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is channeling upwards of $50 billion of Chinese investment into Pakistan. Yet this border locale has seen little benefit. This article argues that current transborder investments, corresponding infrastructure development, and new assemblages such as economic corridors are moving capital between increasingly distant nodes, in the process leaving places such as Afiyatabad behind.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Gaziza Shakhanova ◽  
Jeremy Garlick

The Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a key partner in China’s Belt, and Road Initiative (BRI), since it comprises the majority of territories which the BRI’s overland route, the Silk Road Economic Belt, needs to traverse as it crosses Central Asia on the way to Europe. The goal of this article is to explore the BRI in the context of BRI–EAEU coordination. The first part of the analysis focusses on the ways the Eurasian Economic Commission delineates the “Greater Eurasian Partnership” and counterposes it against China and the BRI. Then, the article compares two sets of interpretations of the BRI and “Greater Eurasian Partnership” obtained from interviews with elites in Kazakhstan and Russia. The interviews indicate that the BRI has had a much more forceful impact on local elites than Russia’s idea of “Greater Eurasian Partnership.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 295-307
Author(s):  
Hans-Dietrich Haasis ◽  
Jianhui Du ◽  
Xuejun Sun

AbstractIn 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping advised to establish the “Silk Road Economic Belt” and the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road,” also referred as the Belt and Road Initiative or the New Silk Roads Policy. The intention is to promote international and regional trade as well as cooperation in and between Asia and Europe. Consequently, international maritime and terrestrial freight transport corridors are either established or strengthened and operated. The purpose of this paper is to reflect the Belt and Road Initiative from the perspective of logistics. The aim is to identify and formulate circumstances, expectations, opportunities, and peculiarities of logistics along the New Silk Roads. For this purpose, four corresponding challenges will be considered and outlined after an introduction to the Belt and Road Initiative. The four logistics challenges concern the awareness of new freight transport corridors and the assessment of possibilities for opening new transport relations and new markets, the implementation of new and the adaptation of existing supply chains to increase strategic logistics flexibility, the availability and use of digital infrastructure and connectivity for improved communication and coordination of logistical processes, and the willingness to consider regional and cultural differences in the preparation and realization of supply chain decisions.


Subject Central Asian gains and risk from the Belt and Road Initiative Significance Central Asian states are a crucial part of the overland component of the Belt and Road Initiative that China is advancing to promote regional security as well as trade. They stand to gain from improved connectivity, but project funding largely consists of Chinese loans that they will have to repay, possibly before the economic benefits are apparent. Impacts Uzbekistan will assume an increasing role as a trade and energy hub. Changed atmospherics will allow Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to work together as the principal regional states. China will be sensitive to fears of 'colonialisation', hiring local workers and stressing the value of its production projects.


Subject Improvements in Kazakh-Uzbek relations. Significance Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan are the key Central Asian states and the dynamics of their relationship have implications for all their neighbours. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev's visit to Tashkent on September 16 was hailed as the start of a new era in a sometimes troubled relationship. The change in mood was initiated by Shavqat Mirzioyev, Uzbekistan's president since December 2016. Impacts Uzbekistan is unlikely to reverse its stance on the Eurasian Economic Union, which it is reluctant to join. Kazakh-Uzbek cooperation is likely to include counter-terrorism and other security measures. A better bilateral relationship will facilitate China's Belt and Road initiative in Central Asia.


Author(s):  
K. L. Syroezhkin

The article is dedicated to the perspectives of the Chinese initiative of the Silk Road economic belt from the prospective of the Central Asian states' national interests. The author claims that the common understanding of Central Asia as a united region is limited: there are many conflicts and problems between states which haven't yet been resolved. The problems of borders and ethnical enclaves remain to be potentially dangerous as well as recurrent problems of regionalism and tribalism. The essential water resources are distributed in a highly disproportionate way. During a long period of time Central Asia has been taking the position of an intercontinental corridor, linking Asia and Europe, and that is why external actors showed no interest in building a Central Asian integration project. Besides, political elites of Central Asia also were not interested in appearance of supranational institutes which will inevitably create a highly competitive political order. Nonetheless, the very idea of the Silk Road economic belt, in political terms, was approved by all the Central Asian states. This paradox can be partly explained referring to the absence of political limitations, imposed on states by the project. However, it doesn't mean that China experiences altruism. The author stresses that the Silk Road economic belt has never been a pure integration project. The core element of the concept is not the improvement of national industrial potential of the countries the Road crosses but the idea of the intensive development of western regions of China. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 2050012
Author(s):  
Dennis M. Kratz

Western artists, philosophers and politicians have inevitably viewed China and its actions through a distorting lens – often seeking to confirm assumptions rather than to gain new understanding. This paper examines Western and specifically American responses to three manifestations of the Silk Road: the historical Silk Road that enabled the transport of goods, people and ideas from China through Central Asia as far as Europe; the “Silk Road of the Western Imagination;” and the modern transformation of the Silk Road into China’s Belt and Road Initiative. It explores reasons for the American idealized fascination for the first two and hostility toward the BRI. The tendency to interpret history and China from a “heroic” perspective serves as an obstacle to fostering a modern era of cultural exchange and cooperation that both Americans and Chinese believe the Silk Road symbolizes.


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