scholarly journals Silk Road Economic Belt Project in the complex space of the Central Asia Region

Author(s):  
K. L. Syroezhkin

The article is dedicated to the perspectives of the Chinese initiative of the Silk Road economic belt from the prospective of the Central Asian states' national interests. The author claims that the common understanding of Central Asia as a united region is limited: there are many conflicts and problems between states which haven't yet been resolved. The problems of borders and ethnical enclaves remain to be potentially dangerous as well as recurrent problems of regionalism and tribalism. The essential water resources are distributed in a highly disproportionate way. During a long period of time Central Asia has been taking the position of an intercontinental corridor, linking Asia and Europe, and that is why external actors showed no interest in building a Central Asian integration project. Besides, political elites of Central Asia also were not interested in appearance of supranational institutes which will inevitably create a highly competitive political order. Nonetheless, the very idea of the Silk Road economic belt, in political terms, was approved by all the Central Asian states. This paradox can be partly explained referring to the absence of political limitations, imposed on states by the project. However, it doesn't mean that China experiences altruism. The author stresses that the Silk Road economic belt has never been a pure integration project. The core element of the concept is not the improvement of national industrial potential of the countries the Road crosses but the idea of the intensive development of western regions of China. 

Subject Prospects Belt and Road in Central Asia. Significance The Central Asian states are the focus of investment associated with the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB), the westward overland part of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The SREB offers them a unique chance to become central transport hubs rather than peripheral, landlocked territories but they are also seeking to build productive and export capacity through Chinese investment.


Author(s):  
Xinru Liu

The Kushan Empire was a political power that started as a nomadic tribe from the Central Asian steppe and became established as sedentary state across South Asia and Central Asia. Migrating from the border of agricultural China in late 2nd century bce to north Afghanistan, by the 1st century ce, the Yuezhi nomads transformed themselves into a ruling elite in a large area from Afghanistan to the Indus Valley and North Indian Plain, embracing many linguistic and ethnic groups. Adapting the Persian satrapy administrative system into Indian kshatrapa administration, the Kushan regime gave much autonomy to local institutions such as castes, guilds, and Buddhist monasteries and meanwhile won support from those local communities. Legacies from Achaemenid Persia and Hellenistic cities, the cultures of various nomadic groups from Central Asia, and Buddhist and Brahmanical traditions merged to create a cosmopolitan Kushan material culture and art. Mahāyāna Buddhist theology and institutions matured in the Kushan economic and cultural environment and were propagated to Central Asia and China from there. Having under their control several important commodities, such as silk, lapis lazuli, and horses, demanded by elites from the Roman Empire, the Han Empire, and the Parthian Empire, the Kushan court sat on a key location of the Eurasian trade networks, or the Silk Road. The Kushan Empire benefited from the Silk Road trade economically and meanwhile received knowledge of faraway countries and facilitated transferring the information to the visions of the Romans, Parthians, and Chinese.


Author(s):  
А. Абулаити

Аннотация. Данная статья посвящена проблемам международной политики КНР в Центральной Азии и сотрудничеству с Кыргызстаном в рамках инициативы «Один пояс – один путь». В работе рассматривается понятие китайского регионализма, специфика международной политики Китая, роль Китая в Центральной Азии. Раскрываются особенности взаимоотношения КНР с центральноазиатскими республиками в торговом, экономическом и политическом отношениях. Ключевые слова: Глобализация, регионализм, Инициатива “Один пояс – один путь”, Китай, СУАР, Центральная Азия, Кыргызстан, «сообщество единой судьбы», периферийная дипломатия, Конфуцианство, политика «марш на запад», Экономический пояс шелкового пути. Аннотация. Бул макала Кытайдын "Бир алкак - бир жол" демилгесинин алкагындагы Борбордук Азияга карата саясаты жана Кыргызстан менен кызматташуусу көйгөйүнө арналган. Аткарылган иште Кытай регионализми түшүнүгү, Кытайдын эл аралык саясатынын өзгөчөлүктөрү, Кытайдын Борбор Азиядагы ролу каралат. Кытайдын Борбордук Азия өлкөлөрү менен соода-экономикалык жана саясий мамилелеринин өзгөчөлүктөрү аныкталат. Түйүндүү сөздөр: Глобалдашуу, Регионализм, "Бир алкак - бир жол" демилгеси, Кытай, СУАР, Борбордук Азия, Кыргызстан, "Адамзаттын бирдиктүү тагдырынын жамааты”, перифериялык дипломатия, Конфуцийизм, "Батышка жүрүш" саясаты, Жибек Жолунун экономикалык алкагы. Abstract. This article is devoted to the problems of China’s international policy in Central Asia and cooperation with Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the «One Belt - One Way» initiative. The paper examines the concept of Chinese regionalism, the specificity of China’s international policy, China’s role in Central Asia within the trade, economic, and political relations with the Central Asian republics. Keywords: Globalization, regionalism, BRI, China, XUAR, Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan, community of shared destiny, peripheral diplomacy, Confucianism, “Go-West” policy, Silk Road Economic Belt


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Ahmed Qadri , Sundus Qureshi

The New Silk Road (NSR), one of China's most ambitious economic plans, was unveiled by President Xi Jinping in 2013 and is intended to act as the Central Asian component of the Eurasian Belt and Road Initiative (Belt Road) (BRI). By enhancing and expanding China's security arc westward, as well as developing them as a transportation corridor connecting China to Europe, Beijing is able to consolidate its current economic investments while also launching new projects in Central Asia and South Asia, as well as attracting new investment from other countries. The NSR, touted by China as simply a development project, is loaded with wide-ranging security implications. China's infrastructure security and investment concerns in Central Asia are examined in this research, which examines the interplay between these two issues. China's non-state retaliation (NSR) in Central Asia is investigated in three ways: With its securitization push, the Silk Road Initiative not only consolidates the power of the Central Asian regimes; it also grants China an important position managing safeguards; and it allows the ultra-rich to move between the lure of Chinese investments and the appeasement of popular fears about China's growing influence. According to this report, NSR aid and investment from China has received an overall favourable reaction in the area, with some countries concerned about the consequences of the project on their sovereignty and security, as well as the promise of connection and prosperity (a "win-win" situation). A look at China's growing security and economic commitment in Central Asia and the tight Sino-Russian friendship, as well as the areas of collaboration and complementarity between the two countries, is included in the article's concluding paragraphs.


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