Spoken Arabic dialects identification: The case of Egyptian and Jordanian dialects

Author(s):  
Mahmoud Al-Ayyoub ◽  
Marwan K. Rihani ◽  
Nidal I. Dalgamoni ◽  
Nawaf A. Abdulla
1974 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-442
Author(s):  
Theodore Prochazka

The occurrence of -k- in the conjugation of the verb in the perfect, instead of the expected -t- which marks the 2s., 2 pl., and 1s. in other Arabic dialects, was noted and discussed in two studies by Ettore Rossi. His aim was to offer a general classification of the Yemeni dialects, and he treated the occurrence of the personal suffixes in -k- in terms of their geographical extent. He found these suffixes in the area of the western slope of the Yemen plateau, and the parts stretching southward to Aden. As an illustration he gave for the dialect of Raymah:This type of suffixation, as Rossi noted, falls into line with that of Ethiopic, and the Modern South Arabian languages, such as Mahri and Socotri.


Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 493-535
Author(s):  
David Wilmsen

AbstractThe negative existential cycle has been shown to be operative in several language families. Here it is shown that it also operates within a single language. It happens that the existential fī that has been adduced as an example of a type A in the Arabic of Damascus, Syria, negated with the standard spoken Arabic verbal negator mā, does not participate in a negative cycle, but another Arabic existential particle does. Reflexes of the existential particle šay(y)/šē/šī/ši of southern peninsular Arabic dialects enter into a type A > B configuration as a univerbation between mā and the existential particle ši in reflexes of maši. It also enters that configuration in others as a univerbation between mā, the 3rd-person pronouns hū or hī, and the existential particle šī in reflexes of mahūš/mahīš. At that point, the existential particle šī loses its identity as such to be reanalyzed as a negator, with reflexes of mahūš/mahīš negating all manner of non-verbal predications except existentials. As such, negators formed of reflexes of šī skip a stage B, but they re-enter the cycle at stage B > C, when reflexes of mahūš/mahīš begin negating some verbs. The consecutive C stage is encountered only in northern Egyptian and southern Yemeni dialects. An inchoate stage C > A appears only in dialects of Lower Egypt.


Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Islam Youssef

Attempts to classify spoken Arabic dialects based on distinct reflexes of consonant phonemes are known to employ a mixture of parameters, which often conflate linguistic and non-linguistic facts. This article advances an alternative, theory-informed perspective of segmental typology, one that takes phonological properties as the object of investigation. Under this approach, various classificatory systems are legitimate; and I utilize a typological scheme within the framework of feature geometry. A minimalist model designed to account for segment-internal representations produces neat typologies of the Arabic consonants that vary across dialects, namely qāf,ǧīm,kāf, ḍād, the interdentals, the rhotic, and the pharyngeals. Cognates for each of these are analyzed in a typology based on a few monovalent contrastive features. A key benefit of the proposed typologies is that the featural compositions of the various cognates give grounds for their behavior, in terms of contrasts and phonological activity, and potentially in diachronic processes as well. At a more general level, property-based typology is a promising line of research that helps us understand and categorize purely linguistic facts across languages or language varieties.


Author(s):  
Clive Holes

The vocabulary of the modern Gulf Arabic dialects contains many items of ancient Mesopotamian origin; there is also evidence of early south Arabian influences. Historically, three dialect types existed in the region: Najdi, coastal (these two are ‘A dialects’), and Baḥārna (‘B’ dialects). There must long have been contact between these three, but the main interface was between the Najdi and the coastal type. The (Shīˁī) Baḥārna lived in separate settlements, pursued livelihoods specific to them, and did not marry with the other two groups. All of this preserved their dialect. This sociolinguistic division was most evident in the state of Bahrain. In recent decades, changes in employment and increased urbanization have brought about increased interdialectal contact, resulting in the loss of B dialect features and a homogenization of the A dialects to the point that one can now speak of the emergence of a Gulf koine.


Author(s):  
Alshaimaa Gaber Salah Abdelwahab ◽  
Samuel Forbes ◽  
Allegra Cattani ◽  
Jeremy Goslin ◽  
Caroline Floccia
Keyword(s):  

1994 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Blau

After the Islamic conquest, the Greek Orthodox, so-called Melkite ( = Royalist), church fairly early adopted Arabic as its literary language. Their intellectual centres in Syria/Palestine were Jerusalem, along with the monaster ies of Mar Sabas and Mar Chariton in Judea, Edessa and Damascus. A great many Arabic manuscripts stemming from the first millennium, some of them dated, copied at the monastery of Mar Chariton and especially at that of Mar Saba, have been discovered in the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, the only monastery that has not been pillaged and set on fire by the bedouin. These manuscripts are of great importance for the history of the Arabic language. Because Christians were less devoted to the ideal of the ‘arabiyya than their Muslim contemporaries, their writings contain a great many devi ations from classical Arabic, thus enabling us to reconstruct early Neo-Arabic, the predecessor of the modern Arabic dialects, and bridge a gap of over one thousand years in the history of the Arabic language.


1987 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan R. Abd-El-Jawad

ABSTRACTMost researchers of Arabic sociolinguistics assume the existence of a sociolinguistic continuum with a local vernacular at the bottom and the standard variety at the top. Those researchers seem to equate the terms “prestige” and “standard”; consequently, they tend to consider Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) as the only prestige variety in all settings. This article presents evidence showing that if an adequate description of sociolinguistic variation of spoken Arabic is to be met, it is necessary to posit not only one standard speech variety, MSA, but also other prestigious local or regional varieties which act as local spoken standards competing with MSA in informal settings. It will be shown in the reported cases that in certain contexts speakers tend to switch from their local forms – though these latter may be identical to MSA – to other local features characteristic of other dominant social groups and that happen to be marked [–MSA], These local prestigious norms act like the standard spoken norms in informal settings. (Diglossic model, prestigious varieties, stereotypes, dominant social groups, competing standards, spoken Arabic).


Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Mike Turner

In this article I explore how typological approaches can be used to construct novel classification schemes for Arabic dialects, taking the example of definiteness as a case study. Definiteness in Arabic has traditionally been envisioned as an essentially binary system, wherein definite substantives are marked with a reflex of the article al- and indefinite ones are not. Recent work has complicated this model, framing definiteness instead as a continuum along which speakers can locate referents using a broader range of morphological and syntactic strategies, including not only the article al-, but also reflexes of the demonstrative series and a diverse set of ‘indefinite-specific’ articles found throughout the spoken dialects. I argue that it is possible to describe these strategies with even more precision by modeling them within cross-linguistic frameworks for semantic typology, among them a model known as the ‘Reference Hierarchy,’ which I adopt here. This modeling process allows for classification of dialects not by the presence of shared forms, but rather by parallel typological configurations, even if the forms within them are disparate.


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