The voting behaviour of the European Parliament members and the problem of the Europarties

1990 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 557-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
FULVIO ATTINA
2020 ◽  
pp. 19-54
Author(s):  
Duncan McDonnell ◽  
Annika Werner

This chapter first discusses in depth the book’s core concept of “radical right populist”, before examining the history of co-operation (and mostly non-cooperation) between radical right populists in the European Parliament. It sets out the main theories, in particular policy congruence, which have been used to explain why parties form groups in the European Parliament. It then looks at how these theories might apply to radical right populist parties. Finally, the chapter presents the data and methods used in the study. These include Chapel Hill Expert Survey data, EP group finance and voting behaviour data, as well as interviews conducted with representatives and officials from a wide range of radical right populist parties and their allies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (54) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Wojciech Dąbroś ◽  
Janusz Kudła

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of European Parliament members on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) proposal and economic characteristics of their respective countries. We are concerned about the political and economy factors behind policy and decision making of CCCTB in European Parliament. The analysis is conducted with Logit model identifying factors affecting the voting consultation decision of the Parliament of the European Union in 2018. Particularly, we investigate the impact of four components taken from tax benefit index proposed by W. Orłowski. We have found that economic factors alone are responsible the voting behaviour of the European Union deputies, not their personal characteristics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146511652110407
Author(s):  
Simon Kruschinski ◽  
Márton Bene

This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of how parties across 28 countries use digital political marketing on Facebook by drawing on the example of the 2019 European Parliament election. We introduce a theoretical model of political Facebook marketing and compare the paid media activity (sponsored posts, ads) of 186 parties to their owned media (posts) and earned media (user reactions, comments, shares). Our results concerning cross-country patterns indicate that differences in European parties’ paid media activity exist and only a few parties leverage sophisticated targeting strategies. Regarding temporal dynamics, we find that paid media is used to supplement owned media during similar campaign phases. In terms of engagement-triggering effects, we show that sponsoring posts is a suitable tool to increase earned media. Overall, paid media activity on Facebook is largely embedded into parties’ overall marketing strategy and national countries’ regulatory settings. Our results have implications for the understanding of public opinion, voting behaviour and the regulations of elections in modern European democracies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Finke

Inside the European Parliament political groups reveal levels of voting cohesion similar to that we observe in national parliaments. Faced with a conflict of interests between their national party and their European group, members of the European Parliament (MEPs) surprisingly often prioritize the latter principal over the former. In this article, I argue that domestic-level parliamentary scrutiny can have a tremendous impact on MEPs’ loyalties. Using data on the voting behaviour of German and Czech MEPs, I find that, under scrutiny, MEPs from governing parties are significantly more likely to vote against the instructions of their group leadership. The effect of domestic-level scrutiny on MEPs from opposition parties is weaker and depends on the dossier's political salience. These results provide further support for the strategic use of parliamentary scrutiny in European Union politics.


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