Manufactured Responsiveness: The Impact of State Electoral Laws on Unified Party Control of the Presidency and House of Representatives, 1840–1940

2005 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik J. Engstrom ◽  
Samuel Kernell
2008 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 65-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glen Krutz ◽  
Courtney Cullison

We examine the impact of multiple referral on legislative processing in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1991-98. Previous literature leaves off with the 1980s, but party control of the House changed in the 1990s and with it, came a new approach to multiple referral. Did this change alter the impact of multiple referral status on bill progression? In the main, our analysis confirms certain previous findings, while adding some interesting new twists. While multiple referral hurts a bill’s chances of success in some stages of statute-making (committee passage, floor passage), a finding consistent with the literature, we find that it provides a boost to chances of receiving committee attention in the first place. Moreover, we find that the hit that multiply referred bills take in committee and on the floor is much greater than suggested previously. Separate analyses conducted before and after the Republican reforms of 1995 reveal distinct differences. For example, in the Re-publican-controlled environment from 1995-1998, multiple referral bills were slightly more likely to see the House floor, whereas they were less likely to make it in the Democratic House from 1991-94.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK J. ENGSTROM

Considerable debate exists over the impact of redistricting on the partisan composition of the U.S. Congress. I address this debate by turning to an era of congressional redistricting that has received little systematic attention—the politics of gerrymandering in the 19th century. Using statewide-, county-, and ward-level electoral data from 1870 to 1900, I show that when a single party controlled the districting process, they used districting to systematically engineer a favorable partisan bias. These partisan biases affected the partisan composition of state congressional delegations and at times even helped determine party control of the House of Representatives.


Author(s):  
Douglas L. Kriner ◽  
Eric Schickler

This chapter explores the forces driving variation in congressional willingness to use its investigative powers over time. Marshaling an original dataset identifying more than 11,900 days of investigative hearings held in the House and Senate from 1898 to 2014, it examines the institutional, partisan, and ideological forces that drive the considerable temporal variation in the frequency with which Congress exercises its investigative powers over more than a century of American political history. It shows that both partisan forces and policy disagreements drive variation in investigative activity. These effects are most robust in the House of Representatives, where there is a strong, consistent relationship between divided government and investigative activity, and where heightened polarization boosts the impact of divided party control.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chun-Sik Kim

This study examines the impact of political system and culture on political advertising of the United States, Japan and Korea. The population of this study was defined as all political ads appearing in major daily newspapers during the 1963–1997 presidential election campaigns in the U.S. and Korea, and the House of Representatives' election campaigns in Japan. A total of 695 political newspaper ads were content-analyzed in this study. Results of the study showed that there were differences in types, valences and appeals of political advertising of the U.S., Japan and Korea. Also, discussions based on study results showed mixed and intertwined arguments against or for the expectations for this study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (02) ◽  
pp. 435-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham

AbstractThe United States' 1890–91 decision to begin building a battleship fleet, an important point in its development as a world power, can illuminate the domestic sources of foreign policy ambition. An analysis of roll-call votes in the House of Representatives indicates that socioeconomic divisions arising from industrialization strongly influenced support and opposition to the battleship fleet. This relationship worked mainly through trade policy interests: members of Congress from import-competing states tended to support the effort, while those from export-oriented states tended to oppose it. The patriotic symbolism of battleships at a time of labor unrest also helped motivate support for the program, though evidence of this pattern is less conclusive. Although party affiliation was crucial, it was also partly a function of economic structure, which shaped the two parties’ electoral fortunes. The impact of trade interests during this period is a mirror image of what previous research has found concerning the post-World War II era, when export-oriented interests tended to support American global activism and import-competing interests to oppose it. The reason for the difference is the Republican Party's commitment to trade protection, which strongly influenced both the goals of the policy and the identity of its supporters.


ILR Review ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory M. Saltzman

This study measures the impact of labor and corporate political action committee (PAC) contributions on the voting of members of the House of Representatives on labor issues during 1979–80. It also analyzes the allocation of labor PAC contributions among House candidates. PAC contributions were found to have a significant direct effect on roll-call voting, even controlling for the Representative's political party and characteristics of the constituency. Since PAC money also affects roll-call voting indirectly (by influencing which party wins elections), the overall impact of PAC money on Congressional voting is probably substantial. The author also finds that labor PACs have focused more on influencing the outcome of elections than on currying favor with powerful members of the House who are likely to be re-elected anyway.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marshall H. Medoff ◽  
Christopher Dennis ◽  
Kerri Stephens

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