Not much happened: The impact of gender quotas in Poland

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Impact

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.

scholarly journals Electoral Institutions and Women’s Representation

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael FitzGerald ◽  
Melody E. Valdini
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Selection Processes ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Impact

While there are many factors that drive women’s descriptive representation (i.e., the percentage of women in the legislature) the electoral institutions generate some of the most powerful and consistent effects. In the first breaths of this literature, the focus was firmly on the impact of majoritarian electoral systems versus proportional representation (PR) systems on women’s descriptive representation. Since then, the literature has grown to engage broader ideas regarding the complicated nature of analyzing institutions in different cultural contexts and under different social conditions. Particularly in the later decades of the 20th century, scholars found that structural factors, such as economic disparities between men and women and the balance of women in careers that are typical paths to political office, were important to consider in concert with electoral rules. More recently, as more women gain access to the economic elite, the literature has focused more on cultural factors such as the historical legacies of Communism and the general societal reactions to women’s leadership. These non-institutional factors are now widely engaged as an important component of understanding why and to what extent we can expect an electoral system to generate a certain outcome. Beyond the impact of the electoral system itself, there is also relevant literature that engages how electoral institutions such as gender quotas and candidate selection processes affect women’s descriptive representation. There is wide variation in the design of gender quotas as well as candidate selection processes, just as there is in the design of electoral systems, and therefore a fuller understanding of the relationship between electoral institutions and women’s representation requires consideration of the interaction of candidate selection procedures, gender quotas, and electoral systems. For example, the presence of a placement mandate (i.e., a requirement stipulating where on the list women candidates must be positioned) or a decentralized candidate selection process each has a different effect on women’s representation in an electoral system that includes a preference vote. The sections below highlight some of the existing literature on electoral institutions and their impact on women’s descriptive representation. This is by no means an exhaustive list but does offer insight into the general themes and research areas that are common in this field of study.

The Impact of Electoral Laws on Political Parties

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Grofman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Formal Modeling ◽  
Voting Rules ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Normative Foundations

This article looks at the impact of electoral laws on political parties. It focuses on empirical research, rather than on the implicitly normative foundations of different voting rules or on formal modeling results. The discussion presents comparisons of a limited number of polar electoral system types. The article lists forms of proportional election methods and plurality elections, which are considered to be two of the most important methods of voting. Finally, the article serves to report the results of one of the four main concerns of the field by observing the electoral system effects on the number of parties, etc.

Gendered path dependency: women’s representation in 20th-century Brazil

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro A.G. dos Santos
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Legislative Politics ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Women’S Representation

This study investigates women’s under-representation in national legislative elections and the gendered legacies embedded in Brazil’s electoral system and party dynamics. Focusing on the historical period prior to the 1996 implementation of a quota law, this article applies a feminist historical institutionalist approach to identify institutions and actors influencing women’s representation. Brazil’s electoral rules for legislative elections, that is, an open-list proportional representation system, remained surprisingly stable throughout periods of regime change and institutional uncertainty in the 20th century. It was not until the return to democracy and the 1986 constituent election that women were able to carve some space in Brazil’s National Congress. This research argues that the relaxing of rules dictating the creation of political parties and the strengthening of women’s movements in the prior decade were influential in creating a propitious moment for increasing the presence of women in national legislative politics.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>There is a historical legacy of political institutions that influences the evolution of women’s representation.</li><br /><li>Brazil’s dictatorships influenced the stunting of women’s representation in elected positions.</li><br /><li>Women’s movements and electoral uncertainties allowed women to gain political space in political parties prior to the 1986 constituent election.</li></ul>

scholarly journals Electing women to Parliament: Fiji and the alternative vote electoral system

2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-107
Author(s):  
Rae Nicholl
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
System A ◽  
Alternative Vote ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The World

In many places in the world, women struggle to be heard and, when it comes to having a voice in the highest authority in the land, the difficulties in some countries can be almost insurmountable. Women in Fiji are confronting the problem of women’s representation in Parliament. With only a small number of women (7.04 percent) in the House of Representatives, what changes could the citizens of Fiji make to remedy this lack of female representation? One answer that could be considered is for Fijian lawmakers to make amendments to the alternative vote electoral system, a variation on preferential voting. The alternative vote falls into the same simple plurality category as first-past-the-post, a system notoriously unfriendly to women candidates.

scholarly journals KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN PADA PEMILU PASCA ORDE BARU

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Esty Ekawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
New Order ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Political Recruitment ◽  
Selection Of

The issue of women’s representation in politics is important because numbers of women who occupy political posi- tions in the party, legislative and executive bodies are still low. In fact, the laws of political parties and elections have provided opportunities for women to be involved in the formal political sphere, especially in the legislature. This is why the role of political parties becomes important in carrying out the function of political recruitment and of course the selection of legislative candidates including women. This article discusses the issues faced by women candidates in the post-New Order Elections that have an impact on the low number of women’s representation in the legislation. By using qualitative method, based on literature study and interview, the study reveals that the low number of women representation in legislative institution is caused by 1) motivation of women to become legislative candidate, 2) patriarchal culture of Indonesian society, 3) limited financial capital, and 4 ) the pragmatism of political parties. This condition is a challenge for women candidates to take political positions in the post-New Order.[Isu keterwakilan perempuan dalam politik ramai diperbincangkan karena masih rendahnya jumlah perempuan yang menduduki jabatan politik baik di internal partai, lembaga legislatif maupun eksekutif. Padahal, undang-undang partai politik dan pemilu sudah memberikan peluang bagi perempuan untuk bisa masuk dalam ranah politik for- mal, khususnya lembaga legislatif. Di sinilah peran partai politik menjadi penting dalam menjalankan fungsi re- kruitmen politik dan tentu saja seleksi calon anggota legislatif termasuk perempuan. Artikel ini membahas per- soalan yang dihadapi oleh kandidat perempuan pada Pemilu pasca-Orde Baru yang berdampak terhadap rendah- nya angka keterwakilan perempuan di legislatif. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif berdasarkan studi litera- tur dan wawancara, diketahui bahwa rendahnya angka keterwakilan perempuan di lembaga legislatif disebabkan oleh 1) motivasi kandidat perempuan untuk menjadi caleg, 2) budaya patriarki yang masih melekat di masyarakat Indonesia, 3) keterbatasan modal finansial perempuan, dan 4) pragmatisme partai politik. Kondisi inilah yang men- jadi tantangan bagi kandidat perempuan untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan politik di Indonesia pasca-Orde Baru.]

scholarly journals Nonmainstream left parties and women’s representation in Western Europe

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James Keith ◽  
Tània Verge
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Numerical Representation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Green Parties ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Radical Left

Ideology is one of the most relevant variables in explaining the level of women’s representation attained by political parties. While left-wing parties are typically the best performers, extant research has tended to overlook the diversity of the left block and predominantly focused on mainstream left-wing political parties, namely the Social Democrats. Yet, the Left also includes both Green parties and radical left parties. This article analyzes the differences that exist within this largely heterogeneous group of parties across Western Europe. In particular, it explores how the diverse ideological background of radical left and Green parties leads to varied ways of engaging with feminism, diverse forms of organizing women within their ranks as well as dissimilar positions toward gender quotas. These shape different levels of women’s numerical representation in public office and in party decision-making positions. Generally, we find that ideology is a greater determinant of representation than geographical region. Our findings also show a significant convergence among distinct party subgroups in terms of their share of elected women in both party and public office.

scholarly journals Personalism or party platform? Gender quotas and women’s representation under different electoral system orientations

PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (9) ◽  
pp. e0257665
Author(s):  
Aliza Forman-Rabinovici ◽  
Lilach Nir
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Substantial Contribution ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Underrepresentation Of Women

Underrepresentation of women in politics is a matter of great concern to social scientists, citizens, and policymakers alike. Despite effort over the past decade to ameliorate it with gender quotas of different types, scientific research provides a mixed picture on the extent to which quotas can close these gender gaps under different conditions. We approach this puzzle by focusing on the orientation of electoral systems—candidate-centered vs. platform-centered—as a context that conditions the effect of quotas on representation. Our analyses of 76 countries’ electoral rules and legislatures show that contrary to expectations, it is in candidate-oriented systems that quotas facilitate stronger effect on women’s representation. Even after considering proportional representation, district magnitude, human development, or labor-force participation as alternative explanations, we show that quotas foster greater increases in gender representation in candidate-oriented systems. The broader implications are that in electoral systems that tend to have larger gender gaps, quotas have a substantial contribution to equal representation.

scholarly journals The impact of gender quotas on voting behaviour in 2016

2018 ◽  
pp. 165-189
Author(s):  
Gail McElroy
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
First Case ◽  
Women In It ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
Dramatic Rise ◽  
Irish Case ◽  
The Impact

In 2016 Ireland joined over fifty countries worldwide in the adoption of candidate gender quotas, and it became the first case of a country doing so under the single transferable vote electoral system. Its impact was evident from the dramatic rise in the number of women candidates fielded in this election – 163, as compared to 86 in 2011. This chapter builds on previous research of the Irish case to assess whether the use of gender quotas had any impact on voters’ attitudes towards women candidates. The analyses of INES data in previous elections found no evidence of voter prejudice against female candidates. There could be reason to expect that might change in the light of gender quotas. The introduction of the quota in 2016 was a significant ‘shock’ to the system: parties were forced to find a large number of women candidates very quickly, so the recruitment pool was likely to have more ‘average’ women in it. Given this context, the chapter tests for true bias amongst the Irish electorate. The analysis reveals little evidence of this on the whole, apart from the slight exception of Fianna Fáil, whose supporters revealed some male bias. Apart from that partial exception, the findings generally are consistent with previous studies: what matters most is how well the candidate is known, and therefore it is incumbency that is the main factor, not the sex of the candidate.

The Never-ending Story of Law and Electoral System in Lesotho

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoolo Nyane
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Mixed Electoral System ◽  
2012 Election

While electoral discontent has been the enduring feature of constitutional democracy in Lesotho since independence, disagreement over electoral system is a fairly recent phenomenon. When the country attained independence in 1966 from Britain, electoral system was not necessarily one of the topical issues of pre-independence constitutional negotiations. The major issues were the powers of the monarch, the office of prime minister, the command of the army and many more.  It was taken for granted that the country would use the British-based plurality electoral system.  This is the system which the country used until early 2000s when the electoral laws were reformed to anchor a new mixed electoral system.  When the new electoral laws were ultimately passed in 2001, the country transitioned from a plurality electoral system to a two-ballot mixed member proportional system. By this time, electoral system had acquired prominence in politico-legal discourse in Lesotho.  In the run-up to 2007 elections, bigger political parties orchestrated the manipulation of electoral laws which culminated in clearly distorted electoral outcomes. The manipulations motivated further reforms in the run-up to 2012 election which resulted in the single-ballot mixed member proportional system. The purpose of this paper is to critically evaluate how electoral laws have anchored electoral system reforms throughout the various historical epochs in Lesotho since independence. The paper contends that while the country has been courageous, unlike most of its peers, to introduce far-reaching electoral system changes, the reform of electoral laws has not been so helpful in attaining the higher objectives of political inclusivity, constitutionalism and stability in Lesotho.

Seeing Women, Strengthening Democracy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Impact

How does the more equitable representation of women in positions of power affect male and female citizens? We argue that the election of women to political office—particularly where women’s presence is highly visible to the public—strengthens the connections between women and the democratic process. For women, seeing more “people like me” in politics changes attitudes and orientations toward the democratic process. Substantial variation persists across Latin America in gender gaps in political engagement and political support. To assess the effects that women’s officeholding has on these, we pair comparative survey data from Latin American countries with case study evidence from Uruguay. The Uruguayan case offers a unique laboratory for testing the impact of women’s representation in elected positions of power on political engagement and support. Our panel survey of Uruguayan citizens reveals that the expected gender gaps in political knowledge, political interest, and other forms of political engagement were alive and well six weeks before the elections. Yet, just six weeks following the election—after the use of a gender quota had led to a doubling of women’s representation in the Senate—those gender gaps had largely disappeared or had significantly waned. Our findings indicate that far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable representation in our political institutions.

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