Numbing the Pain or Diffusing the Pressure? The Co‐optation of PETA 's “Naming and Shaming” Campaign Against Mulesing

Law & Policy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lev Bromberg
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
James Pattison

This chapter considers diplomatic measures, including diplomatic criticism (naming and shaming), dialogue and mediation, the cutting of diplomatic ties, and the denial of membership of an international body. The first part of the chapter focuses on diplomatic criticism, arguing that it can help to address the situation, contribute to morally valuable international norms, and even punish offenders. In doing so, it considers the objection that diplomatic criticism is too demanding and that states are not entitled to criticize others when they are being hypocritical. More broadly, the chapter establishes the moral importance of expressing condemnation and upholding morally valuable international norms. The chapter also generally defends the case for mediation, negotiation, and denial of membership, but rejects the utility of the cutting of diplomatic ties.


Author(s):  
Mathias Kende

This chapter covers the historical development of the WTO’s mechanism for peer review. It examines the conceptual development of peer review and distils typical core elements (objectives, structure, and participants) by looking at the IMF, the OECD, the FSB, the APRM, the UPR, and the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol. These elements are then applied to analyse the historical advent of the TPRM. The analysis also covers the first five appraisals of the TPRM (1999, 2005, 2008, 2011, and 2013). For each of these, it examines the TPRM’s objectives (including its implementation of the naming and shaming objective and potential link(s) with the Dispute Settlement Body), its structure (focusing on individual reviews and on the yearly overviews of developments in the international trading environment), and on its participants (focusing on governmental attendance and participation rates, the evolving capacities of the WTO secretariat, and on the attitudes of discussants).


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Hinds ◽  
Kathleen Daly

This article explores the contemporary phenomenon of “naming and shaming” sex offenders. Community notification laws, popularly known as Megan's Law, which authorise the public disclosure of the identity of convicted sex offenders to the community in which they live, were enacted throughout the United States in the 1990s. A public campaign to introduce “Sarah's Law” has recently been launched in Britain, following the death of eight-year old Sarah Payne. Why are sex offenders, and certain categories of sex offenders, singled out as targets of community notification laws? What explains historical variability in the form that sex offender laws take? We address these questions by reviewing the sexual psychopath laws enacted in the United States in the 1930s and 40s and the sexual predator and community notification laws of the 1990s, comparing recent developments in the United States with those in Britain, Canada, and Australia. We consider arguments by Garland, O'Malley, Pratt, and others on how community notification, and the control of sex offenders more generally, can be explained; and we speculate on the likelihood that Australia will adopt community notification laws.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 287-296
Author(s):  
Rembert Boom

Several un Member States that have contributed military members to un peacekeeping operations have failed to hold them accountable for alleged criminal misconduct. The Secretary-General has proposed to secure criminal accountability through naming and shaming troop contributing Countries. Though already a compromise, uncertainty remains as to whether the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, composed of all the troop contributing Countries, will approve of this policy.


Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morton Winston

This article describes and evaluates the different strategies that have been employed by international human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in attempting to influence the behavior of multinational corporations (MNCs). Within the NGO world, there is a basic divide on tactics for dealing with corporations: Engagers try to draw corporations into dialogue in order to persuade them by means of ethical and prudential arguments to adopt voluntary codes of conduct, while confronters believe that corporations will act only when their financial interests are threatened, and therefore take a more adversarial stance toward them. Confrontational NGOs tend to employ moral stigmatization, or “naming and shaming,” as their primary tactic, while NGOs that favor engagement offer dialogue and limited forms of cooperation with willing MNCs.The article explains the evolving relationship between NGOs and MNCs in relation to human rights issues and defines eight strategies along the engagement/confrontation spectrum used by NGOs in their dealings with MNCs. The potential benefits and risks of various forms of engagement between NGOs and MNCs are analyzed and it is argued that the dynamic created by NGOs pursuing these different strategies can be productive in moving some companies to embrace their social responsibilities. Yet, in order for these changes to be sustainable, national governments will need to enact enforceable international legal standards for corporate social accountability.


2021 ◽  
pp. 185-210
Author(s):  
Michiel Hofman

This chapter recounts how Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) failed to turn the tide against the attacks on hospitals through its approach of naming and shaming the perpetrators of hospital bombings. It speculates that the failure to stop the attacks was either caused by the way in which the international humanitarian law (IHL) is wired to provide exemption for warring parties or MSF’s inability to deliver consistent messages necessary to generate pressure on offending nations. It also mentions the Syrian government’s denial of assistance to the population and disrespect to the laws of war that centered the state as both perpetrator and aid responder. The chapter looks at the Syrian government’s ability to deny and allow access to services that served to amplify its control and project its sovereignty. It elaborates how the Syrian state centered its own sovereign control by being the focus of diplomatic efforts to ensure humanitarian access.


Author(s):  
Jean Fornasiero ◽  
John West-Sooby
Keyword(s):  

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