scholarly journals Silencing Their Critics: How Government Restrictions Against Civil Society Affect International ‘Naming and Shaming’

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The One ◽  
Naming And Shaming ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
Cross National

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.

scholarly journals CROSS‐NATIONAL MENTORING NGOS IN TRANSITION SOCIETIES: FIELD RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENTS IN BULGARIA

2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Bogdanova
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Economic Transition ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Organizational Practices ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Cross National

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) in societies undergoing socio‐economic transition are widely regarded as central to building a civil society that encourages democracy. At the moment, the Bulgarian civil society depends greatly on foreign funding whilst NGOs are unable to empower their beneficiaries in decision‐making. Given this reality, are cross‐national NGO partnerships able to strengthen organisations? What kinds of support are on offer, what kinds of (inter) dependency relations occur and to what extent do NGOs model their management practices on their mentor and with what results? This paper sets out to situate these questions in the context of a proposed theoretical construct, organizational mentoring, which occurs where national or local organisations have access to and support of well‐established NGOs abroad. The model is constructed on the findings of a qualitative case study conducted in Bulgaria on the development of a Bulgarian NGO and its relationship with a UK NGO. This is preceded by a discussion on selected literature reflecting the meaning of transition, change in societal values and organizational practices in Eastern Europe, and the development of voluntary sector organizations in transforming countries. The theoretical model proposed here is relevant in providing a systematic discussion on organizational change towards a more enlightened engagement between civil society organizations in cross‐national partnerships. Such discussion has implications for the development of hybrid forms of coexistence between Eastern and Western European partners reflected in their interdependent organizational practices.

Remaking the State or Creating Civil Society? Vietnamese Migrant Associations in Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Transnational Connections ◽  
The One ◽  
Migrant Associations

In this essay, I analyze Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland, which have been routinely classified as “non-governmental organizations.” And yet, through their involvement in networks of relationships with a broad range of actors, including transnational connections with institutions back in Vietnam, they are in fact positioned in a liminal zone between the state and civil society. On the one hand, migrant associations are to a large extent entangled with the politics of the Vietnamese state through various channels, including the embassy, and through personal and institutional connections maintained with mass organizations such as the Fatherland Front and the Women’s Union. On the other hand, they are able to retain some degree of autonomy and pluralism, remaining active agents engaged with the fraught social and political activities of Vietnamese diasporics in Poland.

Participation, Civil Society and the Facebook Use of NGOs in Turkey

2017 ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
Kamil Demirhan
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Emergency Education ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Political Events

This study finds out the use of Facebook by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey to engage the social and political events of the country. NGOs are civil society organizations aiming at promoting participation of citizens in social and political issues. They are a part of democratic system and they have important role to struggle with corruptions and improve the legitimacy of political-legal organization in political system. NGOs work using social networks and promoting civic culture. Therefore, the use of new communication and interaction channels is necessary for NGOs to develop social networks and civic participation. Social media can be a new channel to promote social and political life. This study focuses on Facebook activities of 40 NGOs selected from eight different activity fields: politics, environment, woman rights, economy, emergency, education, human rights, and democracy. It uses content analysis method to understand the NGOs' activities in Facebook, in terms of social and political issues realized in the year of 2012.

WINGO Politics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Olcott
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Generational Differences ◽  
International Council ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Australian Case ◽  
Ideological Tensions ◽  
Rules Of The Game

This chapter examines the organizational and geopolitical rivalries that gave rise to IWY. It considers how long-simmering ideological tensions between the International Council of Women (ICW) and the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF)—dubbed WINGOs (women’s international non-governmental organizations)—fostered competing visions for IWY. While the WIDF and its allies saw IWY as linking women’s issues with human rights, their Cold War rivals linked IWY humanitarian concerns and development strategies. Australia provides a case study of the growing rift in civil society between WINGOs and feminists and the tensions between those working within the rules of the game to those who wanted to change the game entirely. The chapter examines the Australian case to demonstrate the ways that IWY highlighted generational differences, particularly between younger women’s liberationists and older, more establishmentarian activists.

scholarly journals The Silent Gatekeeper: Authoritarianism and Civil Society in China

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Kate Mah
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Market Capitalism

This paper examines the emergence of civil society in China under the authoritarian system in the last thirty years. It seeks to explore the ways in which an initial, traditional notion of civil society has altered in the context of China, as well as the respective challenges faced by both the organizations and the government in carrying out their goals and governance. The rapid rise of market capitalism, globalization and Chinese economic success in the last forty years to present day has made room for the rise of non-governmental organizations as well as social mobilization and engagement from citizens. This paper suggests that China has been able to accept the emergence of civil society, however, despite these developments, the government has been able to sufficiently suppress civil society from carrying out any objectives of transparency, social justice and accountability. It surveys the history of civil society within the authoritarian state, analyzes the specific government-NGO relations between the Chinese Communist Party and civil society organizations, and reflects upon the implications of the current legal and political framework that Chinese civil society must operate under.

Identity and Civil Society in Latvia, Poland, and Ukraine

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 856-878 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott D. Orr
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
The Other ◽  
Women's Issues ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Alternative Hypotheses

This research tests the hypothesis that social identities play a key role in the success or failure of democracy, since individuals often hold ethnic and regional identities in particular in a mutually exclusive fashion, resisting calls to act politically on other identities that cut across them. Activists in women's non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were interviewed in Latvia, Poland, and Ukraine, in order to examine the policy process in an area that cuts across ethnic and regional lines. In newer democracies, the effects of identities should be strongest, since institutions are new, and have less ability to constrain political behavior. The hypothesis that ethnic and regional divisions inhibit cooperation within and between NGOs was tested against alternative hypotheses that attribute cooperation, or the lack of it, to outside funding. The results support the argument that ethnic and regional divisions harm cooperation on women's issues, though the other hypotheses cannot be ruled out.

Shifting Boundaries Between the Religious and the Secular: Religious Organizations in Global Public Space

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karsten Lehmann
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Global Dimension ◽  
Religious Studies ◽  
The Other ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Pax Romana ◽  
The One ◽  
Shifting Boundaries

The aim of the article is to add a religious studies perspective to the recent debates on the establishment of religion in public space. In light of this background, it highlights the global dimension of the corresponding processes by analyzing the early developments of religious non-governmental organizations formally accredited to the United Nations organization (UN). Based upon three case analyses—the Commission of the Churches on International Affairs, Pax Romana, and the Friends World Committee for Consultation—the article presents a two-fold argument. On the one hand, it makes the point that these organizations started out to approach the UN context in quite distinct ways drawing upon core ideas of their respective tradition in order to frame their activities. On the other hand, they adapted to the structures of the UN in order to act efficiently. This triggered shifts in the internal boundaries between the religious and the secular.

scholarly journals Legal aspects of interaction of public organizations with local self-government bodies

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
O. V. Turii
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
European Convention ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Right

The article deals with the basic legal acts defining the procedural aspects of the interaction of local self-government bodies with non-governmental organizations. Particular attention is paid to the coverage of international acts ratified by Ukraine and regulates the issues of such cooperation. The article highlights the dependence of the development of local self-government on the civil and political activity of the population. A detailed study of problems in the relationship of local self-government with citizens, associations of citizens, mass media and other civil society institutions has been formulated, proposals have been formulated to improve the solution of identified problems. As a result of the research, the author concluded that the main problem on the way of democratization of the national legislation of Ukraine is the inactive and ineffective participation of the public in the formation and implementation of state policy. The European Convention on Human Rights determines that the state must ensure the right of citizens to participate in the management of public affairs in order to establish a democratic and legal society, however, there are no mechanisms established by law for such participation. Investigation of the existing regulatory framework in Ukraine to ensure basic legal guarantees of citizens’ participation in the development and implementation of management decisions by local self-government bodies proves that not only these guarantees are not detailed, but also none of the existing normative acts establish clear procedures for ensuring the rights of citizens from the bodies of local self-government information regarding the issues discussed and regulated by these bodies, adopted regulatory acts, projects and mechanisms for the adoption of achymyh decisions for society. The article contains a number of concrete proposals for solving the problems of forming the basis of cooperation between local self-government bodies, the legal regulation of control and supervision activities in the field of local self-government, conflict resolution between local self-government bodies and civil society organizations, improvement of legal regulation of liability for non-compliance with legislation on civil cooperation society with local self-government bodies.

scholarly journals Governance, Organizational Effectiveness, and the Nonprofit Sector in Korea

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-33
Author(s):  
Jun Ki Kim
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Nonprofit Sector ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Communication Tool ◽  
Organizational Governance ◽  
Internal Governance ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Regulatory Standards ◽  
Institutional Actors

One of the most talked about developments in social science over the last few decades is the (re)emergence of civil society and its growing influence on manu nations' democratic governance. The paper examined the following: (1) an examination of the growth of Korean nonprofits, (2) an analysis of laws and regulations governing nonprofits (3) an empirical analysis related to organizational governance in Korean nonprofits, and (4) conclusions and policy recommendations. In particular, it was found that internal and external accountability of civil society organixzations meed to focus on their role as major institutional actors. This implies that as long as the public does not perceive accountability as limited to compliance with legal and regulatory standards, we should expect accountability to include democratic internal governance. To accomplish this task, nonprofits and non-governmental organizations must break out of the traditional mold and become more responsible institutions for the services they provide. It was suggested that by utilizing the Internet as a communication tool, civil society organizations could overcome the space and time constraints of their members, thus facilitating better member participation.

Transnational Private Authority and Its Contestation

2019 ◽  
pp. 305-344
Author(s):  
Melanie Coni-Zimmer ◽  
Annegret Flohr ◽  
Klaus Dieter Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Shared Vision ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Private Governance ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Private Authority ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Strategic Cooperation ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One

The chapter investigates the preferences of BRICS and NGOs with regard to the exercise of transnational private authority. Three such governance schemes are selected: the Kimberley Process, the Global Compact, and the Social Accountability 8000 (SA8000) certification scheme. Transnational governance schemes are part of the liberal status quo. Yet, preferences of BRICS and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are so diverse that there is rarely joint contestation nor is there an alliance between the two groups of actors. The analysis shows that it is mainly civil society organizations (CSOs) which contest privatized governance schemes. Business-related interest groups are generally supporting such schemes, to little surprise. BRICS also show a remarkable level of support for privatized forms of governance. The clearest differences in preferences exist between CSOs and BRICS: whereas CSOs champion stronger international institutions, the support of BRICS for private governance schemes increases in proportion to the weakness of a given arrangement or to the extent of national discretion it still affords them. In light of BRICS’ and NGOs’ different preferences, on the one hand, and among the members of each of these groups, on the other hand, neither of these two ‘groups’ can be considered close to having a single shared vision of global order. As a result, there is also little potential for strategic cooperation between BRICS and NGOs when it comes to contesting the status quo of transnational private authority.

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