All in the family: The role of family networks, collective action frames, and identity in Latino movement participation

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabil Tueme
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 458-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Essén ◽  
Sara Winterstorm Värlander

Framing has been presented as a way for micro-level actors to change and diffuse innovations. However, most framing studies have given primacy to language, whereas the role of material artifacts has been largely ignored. The aim of this study is to conceptualize and illustrate how the materiality of technology enables and constrains framing practices. We use empirical data about the development and diffusion of an e-service in the Swedish rheumatology setting from 2000 to 2014. Our results show how three different material features of the technology (data content, user rights, and system integration) initially afforded two different framings of the technology: normalizing and radicalizing framings. The material features, however, lost their ability to afford radicalizing framings over time, along with changes in the collective-action frames governing the field studied.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Wlodarczyk ◽  
Nekane Basabe ◽  
Darío Páez ◽  
Larraitz Zumeta

The study set out to integrate collective action models and emphasize the role of emotions. Whereas the importance of anger is indisputable, relatively little attention has been paid to the role of positive emotions, such as hope, in collective action research. Hence, the aim of the study was to explore the role of hope and anger as drivers of participation and involvement in collective mobilizations. A cross-sectional field study (N = 638) conducted right after the emergence of the 15-M socio-political protest movement in Spain assessed the emotions and beliefs of both demonstrators and those who took no part in the active mobilization. We hypothesized that anger and hope would sequentially mediate the relationship between collective action frames and participation in collective action. Furthermore, to test this premise, we ran two alternative sequential mediation models based on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulated model of social identity in collective action (EMSICA), but with emotions as mediators between collective action frames and intensity of participation. Both models fit the data well, suggesting the importance of considering multiple causal pathways, and showing that anger and hope sequentially mediate the relation between these frames and involvement in collective action. The results support the crucial role of hope in mobilizing individuals to take part in collective action.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyndi Hewitt ◽  
Holly McCammon

Growing evidence points to the pivotal role of framing processes in the mobilization of social movements. Our study contributes to framing theory by drawing on data from state-level woman suffrage movements in the U.S. to provide a systematic comparison of the mobilizing capacities of different collective action frames. Specifically, we examine the differential impact of the justice, societal reform, and home protection frames. Rather than assuming that all frames deployed by movements contribute equally to successful mobilization, we distinguish between effective and ineffective frames. Results of cross-sectional time series analyses suggest that the use of the reform frame positively influenced membership growth in state suffrage organizations, while the use of the justice and home protection frames had no effect. We conclude that there are three key determinants of a frame's mobilizing capacity: a balanced (i.e., culturally resonant and oppositional) message, the range of issues addressed, and the effective neutralization of counterframes


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-110
Author(s):  
Luigi Esposito

Abstract This article addresses how the alt-right has developed its guiding principles or “collective action frames” in opposition to two hegemonic ideologies: neoliberalism and political correctness. Two central points are made. First, calls among many alt-righters for white Americans to regain a sense of racial identity and “white pride” is effectively a rebellion against neoliberal market forces that erode tribal loyalties, national boundaries, and cultural uniqueness by encouraging open borders, multiculturalism, and individualistic forms of agency associated with competition and consumerism. Second, the challenge to white identitarianism by neoliberal globalization is compounded by an ideology of political correctness that, although at odds with neoliberalism, has presumably further disempowered whites. Because political correctness emphasizes egalitarianism and how all cultures are equally valuable, any agenda to advance white interests is dismissed as racist and unacceptable. The argument is made that despite their tensions, both neoliberalism and political correctness have inspired alt-right collective action frames related to race realism, anti-egalitarianism, and white genocide. Some reflections are offered about why this discussion is relevant to the present and future of US politics and society.


1993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Harway ◽  
◽  
Nancy Boyd-Franklin ◽  
Robert Geffner ◽  
Marsali Hansen ◽  
...  

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivelina Borisova ◽  
Theresa Betancourt ◽  
Wietse Tol ◽  
Ivan Komproe ◽  
Mark Jordans ◽  
...  
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