scholarly journals Health expectancy in the occupied Palestinian territory: estimates from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank: based on surveys from 2006 to 2010

BMJ Open ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. e001572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khaled Qlalweh ◽  
Mohammed Duraidi ◽  
Henrik Brønnum-Hansen
2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 2416-2420 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Khader ◽  
H Madi ◽  
F Riccardo ◽  
G Sabatinelli

AbstractObjectiveTo assess anaemia prevalence and correlated social and biological determinants among pregnant women in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt).DesignA cross-sectional survey conducted among pregnant women attending/accessing UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) health centres in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank in September and October 2006.SettingFifty-five UNRWA health centres in the oPt (eighteen in the Gaza Strip and thirty-seven in the West Bank).SubjectsA random sample of 1740 pregnant women.ResultsOverall anaemia prevalence was 38·6 % (95 % CI 36·3, 40·9 %). A substantial difference in anaemia prevalence was observed between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank (44·9 % v. 31·1 %, respectively), as well as a significant increase in anaemia prevalence in the Gaza Strip compared with an Agency-wide survey conducted in 2004 (44·9 % v. 35·7 %, respectively). Anaemia prevalence was found to increase with age, parity and trimester of gestation.ConclusionsAnaemia still appears to be a public health problem among pregnant women in spite of UNRWA interventions. The West Bank shows prevalence rates similar to those observed in neighbouring countries, while the Gaza Strip has higher rates. Prevalence rates of anaemia among pregnant Palestinian women are more than two times higher than those observed in Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Mahmoud M. Dodeen

Abstract This article explores the position of the successive executive powers that have ruled over the occupied Palestinian territory toward the right of association, analyzing the regulations and practical measures they introduced. The governance of these authorities was undemocratic, resulting in abuses of legislative power with a view to constraining the right to assembly and to dominating ngo s, starting with incorporation and ending with dissolution. Despite an ongoing struggle for operational independence, ngo s have been under the control of the Palestinian ruling political parties in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip since 2007. Throughout this period, elected formal oversight bodies have been lacking. While Fatah monopolizes government of the West Bank, Hamas takes exclusive possession of the administration of the Gaza Strip; each party has fought against the ngo s aligned with its rival. The ruling regimes have also exploited shortfalls and gaps in some regulations in order to undermine and weaken the role of ngo s in issues of public concern.


Significance That comes just two days after a spokesman announced that the PA had formally asked Israel to allow Palestinian elections to take place in East Jerusalem -- which Israel has annexed but is widely considered to be occupied Palestinian territory. Both Fatah and its rival Hamas (which governs the Gaza Strip) insist that no vote can be held without East Jerusalem. Momentum for holding elections has gathered pace since a new government was installed in the West Bank in April with that explicit mission. Impacts Abbas may issue a decree ordering elections, but this will be meaningless without addressing these concerns. The Israeli right, bolstered by US support for its territorial claims, will resist any PA activity in Jerusalem for ideological reasons. Regardless of any election, Fatah and Hamas will retain security control of the West Bank and Gaza, respectively. Palestinian support for a one-state solution is likely to grow, albeit slowly and from a low base.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
José S. Vericat

Fatah leaders routinely accuse Hamas of plotting to establish an “emirate” in the Gaza Strip. Gaza is in fact turning into a statelet separate from the West Bank, but it is Israeli policies that are driving the “Gaza is Palestine” option with a series of measures that have been implemented since the early 1990s to sever Gaza from the West Bank. This development has intensified under the administration of U.S. president Donald Trump. In the White House's vision for Middle East peace, which turns the West Bank into a series of isolated Bantustans enveloped by Israeli territory and shorn of Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip becomes the centerpiece of any future Palestinian entity. The international community, laser focused on avoiding another war in Gaza, has prioritized the humanitarian over the political crisis, furthering the excision of the Palestinian territory. As aid flows directly into Gaza, bypassing Ramallah, and Israel and Hamas negotiate a long-term ceasefire, the Palestinian Authority (PA) finds itself increasingly marginalized.


Author(s):  
Marco LONGOBARDO

Abstract This paper explores the legality of the land closure imposed upon the Gaza Strip by Israel. After having considered the area under occupation, the paper argues that the legality of the closure must be determined under international humanitarian law, international human rights law, the principle of self-determination of peoples, and the Israeli-Palestinian agreements. In the light of these rules, the arbitrary closure of the Gaza Strip should be considered illegal because it breaches the unity between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and because it violates the freedom of movement of the local population. Moreover, the closure breaches the relevant rules pertaining to the transit of goods in occupied territory. The paper concludes that most of the violations caused by the closure affect peremptory rules which produce obligations erga omnes, so that any state in the international community is entitled to react under the law of state responsibility.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Niveen M. E. Abu-Rmeileh ◽  
Emilio Antonio Luca Gianicolo ◽  
Antonella Bruni ◽  
Suzan Mitwali ◽  
Maurizio Portaluri ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Somdeep Sen

This book rejects the notion that liberation from colonialization exists as a singular moment in history when the colonizer is ousted by the colonized. Instead, it considers the case of the Palestinian struggle for liberation from its settler colonial condition as a complex psychological and empirical mix of the colonial and the postcolonial. Specifically, the book examines the two seemingly contradictory, yet coexistent, anticolonial and postcolonial modes of politics adopted by Hamas following the organization's unexpected victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election. Despite the expectations of experts, Hamas has persisted as both an armed resistance to Israeli settler colonial rule and as a governing body. Based on ethnographic material collected in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Israel, and Egypt, the book argues that the puzzle Hamas presents is not rooted in predicting the timing or process of its abandonment of either role. The challenge instead lies in explaining how and why it maintains both, and what this implies for the study of liberation movements and postcolonial studies more generally.


The Lancet ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 380 ◽  
pp. S30-S31 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Naim ◽  
H Al Dalies ◽  
M El Balawi ◽  
E Salem ◽  
K Al Meziny ◽  
...  

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