The Elections Cartel in Regierungsbezirk Bromberg (Bydgoszcz), 1898–1903: Ethnic Rivalry, Agrarianism, and “Practicing Democracy”

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Roland Spickermann

In debates on the nature and degree of democratization in the Kaiserreich, the dynamics of rural politics have received perhaps less attention than they merit. Indeed, though the picture is more nuanced now, for a long period the ability of rural elites to dominate nonelites (a core aspect of these dynamics) was simply assumed, as was the relationship of this dominance to Germany's troubled democratization. In his 1943 workBread and Democracy in Germany, for example, Alexander Gerschenkron blamed Germany's entrenched and elitist aristocracy for this trait of bullying voters into antidemocratic politics spanning from the Kaiserreich to the Third Reich. More subtly, the landmark 1966 study of Barrington Moore, Jr. noted the potential for an alliance between entrenched aristocracies and small peasantries, with each as reservoirs for antidemocratic (and potentially fascist) sentiment in several countries, with obvious application to the German case as well.

Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

This chapter begins examination of the third phase of Bonhoeffer’s resistance, beginning in 1939 and characterized by his participation in a conspiracy to kill Adolf Hitler and overthrow the Third Reich. Notwithstanding the novel character of this kind of resistance in Bonhoeffer’s resistance activity and thinking, much of his thinking about resistance remains stable in this third phase. As this chapter shows with reference especially to Ethics, the main text from this phase, Bonhoeffer remains committed to the two kingdoms, the orders (although these are now named mandates), and the relationship of church and state articulated early in the resistance. Similarly, Bonhoeffer continues to affirm the types of ecclesial resistance developed in the first two phases of resistance (types 2 through 5).


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
TIMOTHY S. BROWN

This article examines the life and times of Richard Scheringer, an army officer and supporter of Adolf Hitler who became famous during the early 1930s for his high-profile conversion to communism. Known in the closing years of the Weimar Republic as a point-man for Communist efforts to win support from the radical right, Scheringer survived the Third Reich to become a leading figure in the postwar Communist Party. His well-documented but little-studied career, bridging critical caesurae of modern Germany history, highlights the unique political constellation of the interwar period, demonstrating fundamental continuities in the relationship of German communism to the nation before and after 1945.


Author(s):  
Eric Kurlander

This chapter illustrates how the National Socialist Workers' Party (NSDAP) appropriated supernatural ideas in order to appeal to ordinary Germans, enlisting the help of occultists and horror writers in shaping propaganda and political campaigning. By exploiting the supernatural imaginary, Hitler tied his political mission into something out of the Book of Revelation, as one ‘divinely chosen’ to create the Third Reich. The chapter then looks at three case studies. The first assesses Hitler's approach to politics through his reading of Ernst Schertel's 1923 occult treatise, Magic: History, Theory, Practice. The second considers the NSDAP's propaganda collaboration with the horror writer, Hanns Heinz Ewers. The third delves into the relationship between the NSDAP and Weimar's most popular ‘magician’, Erik Hanussen. In coopting Schertel's magic, enlisting Ewers, and forming an alliance with Hanussen, the Nazis diverted the masses from objective reality and toward the coming Third Reich.


Author(s):  
Anselm Doering-Manteuffel

Breaking the Law as a Norm: Contours of Ideological Radicalism within the Nazi Dictatorship. This article analyzes the relationship between Nazi legal experts’ efforts to create a canon of constitutional law for the Third Reich and the ideological radicalism characteristic of Hitler and the SS-state. The attempts of legal professionals to establish “völkisch” constitutional law emerged out of the staunch anti-liberalism that had spread throughout Germany since the end of World War I. However, this “völkisch” constitutional law bore no resemblance to rational European legal thought. It not only proved to be ineffective for this reason, but also because the ideological radicalism that reigned supreme in the Third Reich sought to break the law and let lawlessness rule.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-389
Author(s):  
Edward B. Westermann

AbstractDuring the Third Reich, alcohol served as both a literal and metaphorical lubricant for acts of violence and atrocity by the men of theSturmabteilung(SA), theSchutzstaffel(SS), and the police. Scholars have extensively documented its use and abuse on the part of the perpetrators. For the SA, the SS, and the police, the consumption of alcohol was part of a ritual that not only bound the perpetrators together, but also became a facilitator of acts of “performative masculinity”—a type of masculinity expressly linked to physical or sexual violence. In many respects, the relationship among alcohol, masculinity, sex, and violence permeated all aspects of the Nazi killing process in the camps, the ghettos, and the killing fields. After the outbreak of war in September 1939, such practices were increasingly radicalized, with drinking and celebratory rituals becoming key elements for these closed male communities of perpetrators, who used them to prepare for acts of mass killing and, ultimately, genocide.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-325
Author(s):  
Samuel Clowes Huneke

AbstractIn recent years scholars have shown increasing interest in lesbianism under National Socialism. But because female homosexuality was never criminalized in Nazi Germany, excluding Austria, historians have few archival sources through which to recount this past. That lack of evidence has led to strikingly different interpretations in the scholarly literature, with some historians claiming lesbians were a persecuted group and others insisting they were not. This article presents three archival case studies, each of which epitomizes a different mode in the relationship between lesbians and the Nazi state. In presenting these cases, the article contextualizes them with twenty-seven other cases from the literature, arguing that these different modes illustrate why different women met with such radically different fates. In so doing, it attempts to bridge the divide in the scholarship, putting persecution and tolerance into a single frame of reference for understanding the lives of lesbians in the Third Reich.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurent Olivier

For four years (1940–1944) after its defeat by the Third Reich, France was ruled by an anti-republican government whose active collaboration with the Nazis made a major contribution to the persecution and extermination of the Jews. Through the ‘National Revolution’, the Vichy regime developed an ideology opposed to democracy and republican roots and sought to re-invent its national origins as a justification for Pétainism. Thus, the Gallic past and archaeology in general played an important role in this new ideology by assimilating the defeat of the Gauls by Caesar to that of the French by the Nazis and by then comparing the successful incorporation of Gaul into the Roman Empire with that of France into a ‘new Europe’ dominated by Nazi Germany. At the same time, the Vichy regime provided French archaeology with its first legal and administrative structure, which allowed the development of the discipline. This legislative and administrative framework was preserved intact not only until the liberation but right up to the present day. It is the permanence of this structure which creates the problem of the relationship between current French archaeology and the Vichy regime.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 572-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe Perry

Radicalregimes revolutionize their holidays. Like the French Jacobins and the Russian Bolsheviks, who designed festival cultures intended to create revolutionary subjects, National Socialists manipulated popular celebration to build a “racially pure” fascist society. Christmas, long considered the “most German” of German holidays, was a compelling if challenging vehicle for the constitution of National Socialist identity. The remade “people's Christmas” (Volksweihnachten) celebrated the arrival of a savior, embodied in the twinned forms of the Führer and the Son of God, who promised national resurrection rooted in the primeval Germanic forest and the “blood and soil” of the authenticVolk. Reinvented domestic rituals, brought to life by the “German mother” in the family home, embedded this revamped Christmas myth in intimate moments of domestic celebration. An examination of “people's Christmas” across this spectrum of public and private celebration offers a revealing case study of National Socialist political culture in action. It illuminates the ways Germans became Nazis through participation both in official festivities and the practices of everyday life and underscores the complexity of the relationship between popular celebration, political culture, and identity production in the “Third Reich.”


Author(s):  
Vincent P. Pecora

Otto Brunner was a follower of Carl Schmitt’s notions of political theology. He became a supporter of Hitler and a proponent of the Anschluss. His major work, Land and Lordship, is perhaps one of the most remarkable German embodiments of my argument’s contours. Brunner re-writes German history, so that the emergence of the Third Reich can be understood as a return to the pre-monarchy, pre-nation-state relationship of early medieval Germans to German land. Like other Blut und Boden writers, such as Knut Hamsun and Friedrich Griese, Brunner embodies populist nativism on a decentralized model of right and law, one that is compatible with a multi-territorial Reich, but not with the centralized state that arose with Bismarck.


1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Christhard Hoffmann

A few weeks after the founding of the Federal Republic of Germanyin May 1949, American High Commissioner John McCloy addressedan assembly of representatives from the West German Jewish community.In a much-discussed speech, he emphasized the centralimportance of public recollection of the crimes of the Third Reich forthe political culture of the young republic. In particular, said McCloy,the relationship of West Germany towards the Jews would be “one ofthe real touchstones and the test of Germany’s progress toward thelight. The moment that Germany has forgotten the Buchenwalds andAuschwitzes, that was the point at which everyone could begin todespair of any progress in Germany.”


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