scholarly journals VOS in Greek

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evi Sifaki
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
The Right ◽  
Manner Adverb ◽  
Structure Properties

This paper looks into the VOS order in Greek and its focusing patterns. Evidence from main and embedded VOS reveals that embedded VOS is more restricted in its focusing possibilities. If the focus effects of main and embedded VOS differ, then we cannot advocate fixed Focus Projections in the syntactic architecture like the cartographic approaches do. Chomsky (2007; 2008) divides features in two types; the probe-agreement ones which trigger obligatory movement and the E(dge) F(eature) which facilitates movement and yields information structure effects at the Interface. In effect, Greek VOS is viewed as the result of a single derivation in which movement is induced for the satisfaction of an EF. The focus effects that are present in VOS are not assigned in Syntax, but at the Interface. The claim here is that Syntax is ‘blind’ to information structure properties. Yet, in order to explain how one single derivation maps out to two distinct focusing possibilities, we employ the notions of accessibility and saliency, as these are discussed in Slioussar (2007) and developed in Kechagias (2010). Roughly, accessibility corresponds to topics and saliency to foci. In Greek VOS, saliency tends to mark constituents to the right of the verb (i.e. object, or manner adverb).

scholarly journals Functional Polymer Hybrid Nanocomposites Based on Polyolefins: A Review

Processes ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (11) ◽  
pp. 1475
Author(s):  
Sandra Paszkiewicz ◽  
Krzysztof Pypeć ◽  
Izabela Irska ◽  
Elzbieta Piesowicz
Keyword(s):  
Uniform Distribution ◽  
Hybrid Nanocomposites ◽  
Entire Volume ◽  
Polymer Hybrid ◽  
Engineering Plastics ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Right ◽  
Performance Results ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Structure Properties

For the last twenty years, polymer hybrid nanocomposites have enjoyed unflagging interest from numerous scientific groups and R&D departments, as they provide notable enhancement of properties, even at low nanofillers’ content. Their performance results from many factors, the most important of which is the uniform distribution in the entire volume of the matrix, that still is very challenging, but is the right choice of two types of nanoparticles that can lead to an increase of dispersion stability and even more uniform distribution of fillers. The incorporation of two types of nanofillers, especially when they differ in aspect ratio or chemical nature, allows to additively reduce the price of the final composite by replacing the more expensive filler with the cheaper one, or even synergistically improving the properties, e.g., mechanical, thermal, and barrier, etc., that can extend their usage in the industry. Despite numerous review papers on nanocomposites, there is no review on how the introduction of a hybrid system of nanofillers affects the properties of polyolefins, which are the most commonly used engineering plastics. This review deeply focuses on the structure–properties relationship of polyolefins-based hybrid nanocomposites, especially based on two types of polyethylenes (low-density polyethylenes (LDPE) and high-density polyethylenes (HDPE)) and polypropylene.

The syntax, information structure, and prosody of German ‘VP’-fronting

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-283
Author(s):  
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld ◽  
Anya Lunden
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
High Tone ◽  
New Information ◽  
Verb Phrases ◽  
Vp Fronting ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Right ◽  
Definiteness Effect

Abstract This paper explores fronted verb phrases in German, drawing attention to the difference between passive/unaccusative VPs and fronted agentive vPs. While both kinds of verb phrases have been discussed in the literature as being frontable, it has been largely overlooked that fronted vPs typically come with a certain kind of post-fronting context and a rise-fall or bridge-contour intonation, which is characteristic of I-topicalization. We observe that, unlike VPs, agentive vPs essentially need to be I-topics, with a high tone at the right edge of the fronted domain, in order to be frontable. Given the special context required for fronted vPs, the situation described by the vP does not contain new information but must already have been under discussion and is now being commented on. We present the results of two experimental studies and appeal to the thetic/categorical distinction to offer a new angle on the definiteness effect that has been associated with fronted verb phrases. We propose that a subject-containing fronted vP is associated with a thetic rather than the default categorical judgment, which means that the fronted subject and predicate form only one information-structural unit (a topic) rather than two (topic and comment). Contributing to the literature on theticity, we observe that, unlike in non-fronting thetic statements, the subject in fronted vPs cannot be a true definite. We attribute this to clashing intonation restrictions on theticity in non-fronting constructions versus theticity in just the fronted portion of a sentence.

Requirement-Driven Design Processes With Integrated Knowledge Structures

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Staffan Sunnersjo¨ ◽  
Ingvar Rask ◽  
Rafael Amen
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Product Information ◽  
Knowledge Structures ◽  
Product Development Process ◽  
Information Structures ◽  
Product Models ◽  
Product And Process Knowledge ◽  
Product And Process ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Degree

Customer requirements provide objectives and constraints for all phases of the product development process. For complex system products with a high degree of customization, it is no mean task to ensure that the right persons at the right time have ready access to the selected requirement specifications that they should adhere to and strive to satisfy. In the present work a systematic sequence of development phases associated with computer implemented information structures for requirements, functions and systems have been studied at three companies with widely different products and business scenarios. Although individual adaptations are required, the overall processes for requirement decomposition and propagation appear surprisingly similar. To fully exploit the potential of such information systems, many companies would benefit from also including knowledge structures in their product models. Fundamental product and process knowledge often evolves slowly over time, can be gradually upgraded and be reused many times. It also constitutes one of the company’s most valuable assets and should be carefully maintained and enhanced. In the work presented here a few different approaches to integrating knowledge structures into the total product information structure have been developed and exemplified for the three companies studied.

Frenchil y aclefts, existential sentences and the Focus-Marking Hypothesis

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
LENA KARSSENBERG
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Corpus Analysis ◽  
Existential Sentences ◽  
Il Y A ◽  
Focus Marking ◽  
Structure Properties

ABSTRACTThis article presents the results of a corpus analysis of the information structure properties ofil y aclefts (e.g.Il y a Claude qui chante‘There is Claude who is singing’ / ‘Claude is singing’). I will show thatil y aclefts and existential sentences introduced byil y acan express the same three information structure articulations. Furthermore, it will be argued thatil y aclefts and existential sentences function as focus markers, and that this hypothesis is further supported by psycholinguistic findings concerning constructions related toil y a.

Dislocations and Information Structure

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis López
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Core Structure ◽  
Phrase Boundary ◽  
The Core ◽  
Structure Properties

Dislocations are constituents in the periphery of the clause—or, depending on the analysis, outside the structure of the clause proper. In the canonical cases, they are doubled by a functional bundle and they are separated from the core clause by an intonational phrase boundary. In many languages we find that dislocations come in two classes: a class of dislocations that are syntactically linked to a position in the core structure (D-type) and a second class of dislocations that are connected only in the process of interpretation (H-type). This grammatical distinction maps onto a difference in the information structure properties: D-type dislocations are given, H-type dislocations signal topic promotion. Some languages seem to have only H-type dislocations, which take over the functions of both D-type and H-type dislocations.

scholarly journals Postposing and Information Structure in English and Farsi/Persian

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-55
Author(s):  
Soheila Shafiei
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
New Information ◽  
The Right ◽  
Canonical Position

Abstract The term postposing denotes any construction in which a phrasal constituent appears to the right of its canonical position, leaving its initial position either empty or occupied by an expletive. Ward and Birner (2004) argue that postposed constructions preserve the old-before-new information structure paradigm in English. The present paper investigates postposed constituents in Persian to find out the information structure paradigm of such constructions. The data have been taken from 34 interviews. The findings show that various constituents might undergo postposing in spoken Farsi (known as Tehrani dialect), and, in contrast to English, NPs were found to be triggered in postposed position when the referent was hearer-old.

scholarly journals Integrating GIVENness into a structured meaning approach in HPSG

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kordula De Kuthy ◽  
Detmar Meurers
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Widespread Phenomenon ◽  
The Right ◽  
Structured Meaning

In this article we show how the HPSG approach to information structure of De Kuthy (2002) and De Kuthy and Meurers (2003) can be extended to capture givenness (Schwarzschild, 1999) and make the right predictions for so-called deaccenting of given information, a widespread phenomenon not previously dealt with in HPSG.

DIFFERENTIAL GAME-THEORETIC THOUGHTS ON OPTION PRICING AND TRANSACTION COSTS

2000 ◽  
Vol 02 (02n03) ◽  
pp. 209-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEERT JAN OLSDER
Keyword(s):  
Option Pricing ◽  
Transaction Costs ◽  
Differential Game ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Special Kind ◽  
Clear Winner ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
Nature Play ◽  
Hamilton Jacobi Bellman ◽  
The Right

This paper investigates some differential game applications to option pricing mechanisms and related problems. Two players, an investor and "Nature", play a zero-sum game. The usual uncertainty modelling (log-normality for instance) in systems describing the price evolution of stocks is replaced by "Nature", a player who counteracts the investor as much as possible. A relationship between a restricted version of the Black-Scholes and the Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman partial differential equations is given. This paper, is a first step to possibly solve various option pricing problems (with constraints and/or transactions costs for instance) by means of the available numerical software for optimal control problems. In the second part of the paper, another model, now with three players, is considered. The third player is the bank interested in maximising its own profits by choosing the right formula for transaction costs. Thus a three-person nonzero-sum game, with a special kind of Stackelberg information structure, results. Some simple examples hint in the direction that the bank will be a clear winner.

VP anaphors and Object Shift: What do VP anaphors reveal about the licensing conditions for Object Shift in Danish?

2013 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjarne Ørsnes
Keyword(s):  
Structural Properties ◽  
Optimality Theory ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Theory Analysis ◽  
Object Shift ◽  
Structure Properties

The article discusses the placement of the VP anaphor det ‘it’ as a complement of verbs selecting VP complements in Danish. With verbs that only allow a VP complement, the VP anaphor must be in SpecCP regardless of its information structure properties. If SpecCP is occupied by an operator, the anaphor can be in situ, but it cannot shift. With verbs that allow its VP complement to alternate with an NP complement, the VP anaphor can be in SpecCP, shifted or in situ according to the information structural properties of the anaphor. Only if SpecCP is occupied by an operator, must a topical anaphor be in situ. The article argues that a shifted pronominal in Danish must be categorially licensed by the verb and extends this analysis to shifting locatives. An Optimality Theory analysis is proposed that accounts for the observed facts.

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