Some Features of the Old Castilian Alfonsine Translation of ʿAlī Ibn Khalaf’s Treatise on the Lámina Universal

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-5) ◽  
pp. 106-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emilia Calvo

Abstract The aim of the paper is to present some features of the treatise on the lámina universal, an astronomical instrument devised by ʿAlī ibn Khalaf, an eleventh-century Andalusi mathematician and astronomer who belonged to the scientific circle of Ṣāʿid al- Andalusī. ʿAlī ibn Khalaf was a contemporary of Ibn al-Zarqālluh (al-Zarqālī, Azarquiel), also a mathematician and astronomer working under Ṣāʿid’s patronage, and the inven- tor of the instrument known as azafea. Both instruments, the lámina universal and the azafea, are universal instruments devised to overcome the limitations of the standard astrolabe. The only text describing ʿAlī ibn Khalaf’s instrument is the thirteenth- century old-Castilian Alfonsine translation, which has not been studied in detail up to now, although some preliminary studies have been published. The present study deals with some linguistic and technical difficulties of the text. In many passages, it seems to follow literally the grammatical structure of the Arabic language while in others, the lack of technical terms forced the translators to resort either to a literal transcription of the original Arabic terminology or, in some cases, to approximate translations that make the text somewhat difficult to follow. The paper provides additional information related mainly to the astronomical parameters and the technical vocabulary used in the translation.

1982 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 226-240
Author(s):  
Göran Ogén

The purpose of this essay is to shed some light on the phenomenon of religious ecstasy as met within Islamic mysticism and there particularly during its classical period. In this case, the expression "classical Sufism" refers to the period of Sufi history from about 850 A.D. until circa 1100 A.D. In the Sufi vocabulary there is even a rather differentiated terminology concerning these ecstatic experiences or states; whether different descriptions of one and the same experience are involved or whether the terms actually describe different experiences is a question that we must set aside for the present. There are, however, Sufis expressing the opinion that these different states of mind are based on one single experience in spite of the difference in terms. A generic term for these experiences or states is not to be found in the Sufi terminology however, so the problem of which of these phenomena must be present in order for ecstasy to be evidenced—or which of them would be sufficient— does not therefore arise for the Sufis. So instead of speaking of religious ecstasy in general, they either refer to the single specific terms in question or else use the plural of one of the words employed to designate one of the terms we include in "religious ecstasy". They thus speak of "ecstasies", mawagid from the singular form wagd—if one should at all attempt a translation of this plural. This plural is a genuine Sufi construction and does not otherwise seem to occur in the Arabic language, except as a later borrowing. Psalmody based on the Koranic vocabulary remains the main procedure for putting oneself in ecstasy. If we add 'and listening to psalmody', we then obtain a fairly satisfactory picture of the external conditions for the Sufis' ecstasy until the eleventh century, when various innovations begin to appear. As far as the darwiš-dance is concerned, it is not until the thirteenth century with Rumi  that it becomes transformed from an expression of ecstasy—and as such, quite a controversial one—into an expedient for ecstasy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 91-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tehseen Thaver

Within the broader discipline of Qur'anic exegesis, the sub-genre of the mutashābihāt al-Qurʾān (the ambiguous verses of the Qur'an) is comprised of works dedicated to the identification and explication of those verses that present theological or linguistic challenges. Yet, the approach, style, and objective of the scholars who have written commentaries on the ambiguous verses are far from monolithic. This essay brings into focus the internal diversity of this important exegetical tradition by focusing on the Qur'an commentaries of two major scholars in fourth/eleventh-century Baghdad, al-Sharīf al-Raḍī (d. 406/1016) and Qāḍī ʿAbd al-Jabbār (d. 415/1025). Al-Raḍī was a prominent Twelver Shīʿī theologian and poet while ʿAbd al-Jabbār was a leading Muʿtazilī theologian during this period; al-Raḍī was also ʿAbd al-Jabbār's student and disciple. Through a close reading of their respective commentaries on two Qur'anic verses, I explore possible interconnections and interactions between Shīʿī and Muʿtazilī traditions of exegesis, and demonstrate that while ʿAbd al-Jabbār mobilised the language of Islamic jurisprudence, al-Raḍī primarily relied on early Islamic poetry and the etymology of the Arabic language. Methodologically, I argue against a conceptual approach that valorises sectarian and theological identity as the primary determinant of hermeneutical desires and sensibilities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (10) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Liju Xu

The purpose of this paper is to explore the effectiveness of vocabulary enhancement activities on vocabulary learning in an ESP course. In designing the activities, technical terms on journal entries were chosen for the acquisition of language necessary for the successful implementation of accounting major’s professional tasks. The desirable difficulty approach and the four strands principle,focused input, meaning-focused output, language-focused learning and fluency development, were guidelines in combining subject matter and English language learning. To test the result of the activities, the Vocabulary Knowledge Scale was employed to measure students’ knowledge of 50 vocabulary items. Subjects of the ESP course in discussion comprised 200 accounting juniors in Guangdong University of Foreign Studies in China. Half of them in Group A read the texts and did matching exercises and translation exercises. The other half in Group B read the texts and practiced journal entry activity, targeting at accounting concepts and terminologies. The results revealed that Group B gained better results than Group A at a post-test. After the test a reflection on the vocabulary activities was gathered among the participants of Group B. The feedback further proved that the students did benefit from the enhancement activities on selected technical terms.


1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. S. Robertson

The later MSS. of the Metamorphoses of Apuleius have received little attention. Hildebrand's edition, the last to give an extensive apparatus criticus, appeared in 1842, and seven years later Keil announced his belief that all the MSS. which he had seen in Italy were derived from Laur. 68. 2 (F), the famous eleventh century MS., written at Monte Cassino, and now at Florence. Since Keil, all texts have been based almost exclusively on F, with assistance from its twelfth or thirteenth century copy Laur. 29. 2 (φ), in the enormous number of places where F is now illegible.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
William Sayers

Common Romance terms underlie naval maneuvering in the thirteenth-century Mediterranean, although a distinctive Catalan vocabulary emerged early on. Afrenellar was used of linking galleys at stem and stern by cables in order to keep ships at a uniform distance. Historians have speculated that this notion of “bridling” was extended to oar handling. Galley oars would have been drawn in amidships, reversed, then extended to adjacent vessels and lashed in place to create impromptu fighting platforms and block the passage of enemy ships. Yet in the documented instances, the bridle or check in question is a simple device placed over the looms to hold the raised oar at a uniform height from the sea surface, prompting the Venetian image of a galley as a double comb. Historical speculation on the naval encounters of the War of the Sicilian Vespers must be informed by an accurate understanding of the technical vocabulary.


1987 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 77-87
Author(s):  
A. Hoyer

One of the marks of a good translation is the use of the precise terminology, i.e. that technical terms are translated correctly into the target language or - if there is no direct translation - are paraphrased. With the increasing specialisation of tech-nical fields and the rapid growth in the number of new terms, the search for the correct words tends to be very time-consum-ing. As a result the need is often felt to record equivalent terms for future translation work. For this a terminology data bank can be used, either decentrally on stand-alone equipment or centrally on a mainframe computer. Even if the translator continues for the time being to keep his own collection of terminology on file cards, he can still make use of a generally accessible terminology data bank such as EURODICAUTOM in his search for terms. Unlike a "normal" dictionary, the terminology bank provides additional information such as definitions, relationships between terms and especially the sources of this information. This makes it easier to assess the reliability of the translation given. This article considers the possibilities offered to the translator by a terminology bank and also further developments such as the connection of a data bank to a word processor or a machine translation system. We are now observing the development of a new branch of technology: CAT - Computer Aided Translation.


Traditio ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 87-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cary J. Nederman

Among the range of moral concepts that the Middle Ages derived from Aristotle, few exercised greater influence than the doctrine of habitus (a term ordinarily translated as ‘habit,’ but more properly meaning ‘state’ or ‘condition’). In the thirteenth century, such prominent thinkers as Thomas Aquinas, Godfrey of Fontaines, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham placed habitus (derived from the Greek term ἅξις) near the heart of their studies of ethics. It is largely possible to explain thirteenth-century interest in the concept of habitus on the basis of the appearance of Robert Grosseteste's full translation of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics. Grosseteste's Latin version, taken in conjunction with a growing interest in the field of ethics among arts masters, rendered the technical vocabulary of Aristotelian moral thought into a commonplace of scholastic philosophy.


1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 31-40
Author(s):  
Marjorie Chibnall

Historians of early monasticism in Frankish Gaul either have little to say about the monastery founded by St Evroul or, like Dom Laporte, devote their attention to a discussion of the probable date of his life. The disappearance of almost all early documentary sources is one reason for this: there was certainly a break in the occupation of the site for perhaps half the century between the destruction of the monastery in the tenth century and its refoundation in 1050, and only one charter, dated 900, was rescued and copied in the eleventh century. The fact that there has been no systematic excavation of the site, so that archaeological evidence of buildings before the thirteenth-century church is lacking, is another. Early annals and reliable lives of other saints have nothing at all to say on the subject. The first historian to tackle it, Orderic Vitalis, writing in the early twelfth century, had to admit that he could discover nothing about the abbots for the four hundred years after St Evroul; and he had to draw on the memories and tales of the old men he knew, both in the monastery and in the villages round about. Needless to say he harvested a luxuriant crop of legends and traditions of all kinds. The problem of the modern historian is to winnow a few grains of historical truth out of the stories that he garnered, and the hagiographical traditions, some of which he did not know.


2017 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 183-206
Author(s):  
Roibeard Ó Maolalaigh

The epithet meranach is found in Irish sources from the eleventh century. The same element may be present in the Irish surname Merna(gh) and perhaps also in the early thirteenth-century Scottish epithet Marrenah. It is suggested that the underlying element is meránach (‘delirious, mad, insane’), which survives in Scottish Gaelic mearan(ach). The rich variety of forms which survive (or survived until recently) in Scotland are discussed. Parallels are drawn with the use of dásachtach as an epithet of the Scottish king Domnall mac Causaintín (†900AD) and the survival of dàsanach, dàsannach and related forms in Scottish Gaelic. These epithets may in origin have referred to the persons classified as mer and dásachtach in early Gaelic law. The epithet méránach / méranach from mér (‘finger’) is also considered in the context of the name Gofraidh Crovan / Gofraidh Mérach; the epithet Crovan is explained as deriving from crobh+án rather than crobh+bhán as has been previously suggested.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-152
Author(s):  
Atif Khalil

The early period of Sufism still remains insufficiently explored within westernscholarship. Despite the contributions of a range of academic authorities overthe past two centuries, stretching back to the publication of Lt. Graham’s 1819essay, “A Treatise on Sufism, or Mahomedan Mysticism,” followed by the firstmajor European study of the subject two years later by the young Friedrich A.Tholuck, Ssufismus, sive Theosophia Persarum Pantheistica (Sufism, or thePantheistic Theosophy of the Persians), there still remains a great deal of workto be done in order to better understand the complex, embryonic stages of theIslamic mystical tradition. In this light, The Comfort of the Mystics is a welcomecontribution to our growing but still inadequate knowledge of the first few centuriesof taṣawwuf.The present work is a critical edition of Abu Khalaf al-Tabari’s (d. 1077)Salwat al-‘Ārifīn wa Uns al-Mushtāqīn (The Comfort of Those Knowing Godand the Intimacy of Those Longing for God), a Sufi manual authored in themiddle of the eleventh century, shortly after Qushayri’s (d. 1072) famousRisālah. Gerhard Böwering and Bilal Orfali are to be credited with publishingthe Salwat for the first time through a close study of the Cairo manuscript(MS Tal‘at Tasawwuf 1553) which was transcribed a decade before Qushayri’sdeath. While they were unable to access the only other existing manuscript ofthe entire version of the Salwat, located in Iraq, due no doubt to the politicalinstability of the region and the post-war destruction of the country’s infrastructure,they did manage to compare the work against two later abridgedversions. Along with the text, they provide a meticulously referenced introductionwhich situates the treatise within its broader historical and religiouscontext. The Arabic text is also accompanied by exhaustive indices (127pages) for Qur’anic verses, hadiths, key figures, locations, technical terms andpoetic verses which will be of particular use for researchers.With respect to the author of this little known work, Böwering and Orfalinote that the primary sources do not provide us with a great deal of informationabout his life. On the basis of a well-researched analysis of the medievalsource material, they conclude that Tabari was known for his contributionsnot to the field of Sufism but Shafi‘i law, having studied under some of theleading representatives of the school, including ‘Abd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi(d. 1038), well known for his Al-Farq Bayn al-Firaq, a heresiological survey ...


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