UNITED STATES ANNOUNCES ADDITIONAL HUMANITARIAN AID FOR VENEZUELANS IN COLOMBIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 223 (4) ◽  
pp. e128-e129
Author(s):  
Jason B. Brill ◽  
James D. Wallace ◽  
Paul R. Lewis ◽  
Jonathan H. Berger ◽  
Marion Henry ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
pp. 80-110
Author(s):  
Charlie Laderman

This chapter examines the attempt by American missionaries to help remold the Ottoman state into a constitutional political system in the aftermath of the 1909 Young Turk Revolution. It explains why Americans, who had long regarded their missionaries as humanitarian aid agents helping to support and uplift the Armenians through their mission stations, now looked to them to extend their “civilizing mission” across the Empire. It explores the growth of the Protestant missionary lobby in the United States and the ways in which it developed support for an attempt to build a civil society in the Ottoman Empire that would ensure security for the Armenians within a reformed Ottoman polity. It explains why missionaries and their supporters viewed this as part of a larger mission to spread Christian ideals and representative government around the world alongside British evangelists. Missionary dreams of a new Ottoman nation collapsed when, amidst World War One, the Ottoman Armenians faced wholesale destruction. This chapter concludes by exploring how Woodrow Wilson’s administration and the missionaries responded to this “Crime Against Humanity,” and why their determination to maintain American neutrality so infuriated Theodore Roosevelt. It examines how the missionary lobby pioneered an unprecedented relief operation, and worked in partnership with the leading British champion of the Armenians, James Bryce, to publicize the atrocities and plan for Armenia’s ultimate liberation from Ottoman rule.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-171
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi

This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel during the quarter from 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018. Highlights include: U.S. president Donald Trump pledged to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and formally recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital, reversing decades of U.S. policy. His decision provoked an international backlash, sparked a wave of protests and clashes in the occupied Palestinian territories, and compromised his own diplomatic efforts. The Israelis celebrated Trump's decision, while the Palestinians cited it as an illustration of the United States' pro-Israel bias and as the reason for their rejection of U.S. mediation in any future peace talks. Outraged, Trump ordered punitive cuts to U.S. humanitarian aid designated for Palestinian refugees, further undercutting any peace initiative, which advisors insisted was still under way. The Palestinians began pursuing a new, multilateral framework to continue the peace process. Amid these developments, the Palestinian national reconciliation process stalled once again.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Mónica Orduña Prada

The prestigious American Art Deco artist Hildreth Meière provided humanitarian assistance to the victims of the Spanish Civil War and in the Second World War. Acting as the vice-president of the American Spanish Relief Fund created in 1937 and run by P. Francis X. Talbot, S. J. with the goal of helping people affected by the war in the Franco zone, and to also deliver medicine and medical supplies from the United States through diplomatic channels. She visited Spain in 1925, 1938 and 1961. On the first trip she came to see the works of Spanish painters and made contact with important aristocratic families of the time (the Duke of Sotomayor, the Marquises of La Romana and Arcos, the Duchess of Vistahermosa, etc.). In 1938 she started humanitarian aid, collecting money and donations from New York society for orphans of the civil war and acted as a propaganda distributor for the Francoist cause in the United States. On this occasion she met with people familiar with the situation in Spain to solve the problems of humanitarian aid: Luis Bolín, Pablo Merry del Val, Cardenal Gomá, Carmen de Icaza, and Mercedes Sanz Bachiller. Meière actively participated in providing humanitarian aid in the Franco zone during the years of the civil war while also acting as a staunch supporter of the Francoist cause. After the civil war she continued her collaboration to alleviate aid deficiencies in Spain by facilitating the transport of anesthetics, medicines, surgical materials, etc, but her perspective towards Francoism was changing and gradually her ties to Spain weakened. It was only three years before her death in 1961 that she made one last trip to Spain.


Author(s):  
Valentin Parkhomenko

The United States played a key role in South Sudanese independence, which was decided in a 2011 referendum, and provided diplomatic support and humanitarian aid. Prior to the outbreak of the civil war in 2013, the United States supported and advocated for the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), which became the new country’s government. Though largely taking a back seat in meditation efforts run by the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) and neighboring countries in, its internal stabilization the United States and its international partners have an interest in ensuring a lasting settlement to the present conflict in South Sudan, addressing the humanitarian crisis caused by the civil war, and preventing destabilizing regional spillover.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 113-116
Author(s):  
Greg Kuykendall

The United States government created and then nourished an ever-growing humanitarian aid crisis over the last twenty-five years in the borderlands of Arizona. Many thousands have perished and many thousands more have suffered unconscionable hardship and horrific abuse as a direct result of this crisis of the government's own making. Making matters excruciatingly worse, recently the Trump administration's Department of Justice escalated the crisis by prosecuting humanitarian aid workers for their life-saving actions.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Price

This paper draws on three information sources to critically evaluate how new United States counterinsurgency strategies are transforming the delivery of humanitarian aid in war zones. Emerging critiques from within the NGO humanitarian assistance community find growing concern over, and resistance to, the military's use of conflict zone humanitarian assistance to further military goals. Anthropological contributions to past war-related counterinsurgency operations are considered, and patterns of past problems with divergent goals from anthropologists and military sponsors are identified. Newly available military manuals and governmental cables disclosed by WikiLeaks further document how military and civilian governmental agencies use humanitarian aid as a form of counterinsurgency. The paper concludes by reviewing some of the options available to anthropologists working on humanitarian aid projects in conflict zones.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melissa Willard-Foster

Much is known about the efforts of the United States to democratize, reconstruct, and deliver humanitarian aid to Germany and Japan after their defeat in World War II. Much less is known about the willingness of the United States to use coercive tactics to deter and counter resistance to its military occupation of the two countries. Many of the scholars and politicians who consider the occupations of Germany and Japan to be models for success, largely because of their peaceful outcomes, often overlook the initial period of occupation, in which latent violence figured prominently. An understanding of this early period, however, is crucial to assessing the determinants of peace.


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