School Protests and the Making of the Post-Ottoman Mediterranean: Student Politicization as a Challenge to Italian Colonialism in Rhodes, 1915–1937

Student unrest under Italian rule in Rhodes reveals youth's contribution to the transformation of Mediterranean politics in the 20th century. A condition of possibility for this unrest was the precolonial infrastructure of Rhodes, where new schools emerged in the last decades of Ottoman rule. During the Italian military occupation (1912–23), schools reflected identifications such as Ottoman patriotism and Greek irredentism. Student activism expanded beyond school issues and intersected with Italy's uncertain attitude concerning Rhodes's future, the warfare ravaging the Eastern Mediterranean, and the unmaking of Ottoman authority. Italian governors considered youth politicization to be influenced by elder politicians and limited to communal factionalism. After a decade of reforms under Italian sovereignty following the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), unrest reappeared in the 1930s. Students sympathized with ideas like pro-fascist Zionism and anticolonial Greek nationalism. They addressed issues of loyalty and belonging linked to Italian rule's dilemmas of fascist assimilation and colonial separation. Contrary to the 1910s, the authorities repressed student unrest and admitted that youth politicization was autonomous from the influence of the elders, conflicting with the fascist colonial order. Discussing student activism during this imperial transformation goes beyond narratives centered on state policies or one exclusive confessional group, highlighting interconnections between communal affairs, colonial governance, and regional geopolitics.

Transylvania’s and Poland’s Participation in the Struggles between the Moldavian Voivode Family, the Movilăs, and the Wallachian Voivode Radu Şerban

The aim of this article is to analyse the relations of the three Ottoman vassal provinces (Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia) during the last years of the Long Turkish War (1591/93–1606). The provinces rebelled against the Ottomans at the beginning of the war. Then influenced by the policies of their dynasties or due to the military occupation of the neighbouring great powers such as the Habsburg monarchy, Poland and the Ottoman Empire, they changed the sides of the conflict. The Movilăs (or Movilă family) tried to govern two Romanian voivodships, Moldavia and Wallachia simultaneously. They had a good relation with the Ottomans and they supported rule of István Bocskai (r. 1604–1606), who rebelled against the Habsburgs in 1604 and was elected as the Prince of Transylvania and Hungary by the Hungarian rebels. The voivode of Wallachia, Radu Şerban (r. 1601, 1602–1610, 1611), who secretly allied himself with the Habsburgs, while simultaneously being recognised by the Ottoman side also endorsed him. The Prince of Moldavia, Ieremia Movilă (r. 1595–1606), tried to remove him from the Wallachian throne. He wanted to install his younger brother, Simion (r. 1600–1602 in Wallachia, r. 1606–1607 in Moldavia) – who had once held the title of the Prince of Wallachia – on the Wallachian throne after deposing of Radu Şerban. They formed an alliance with the Ottoman military dignitaries as well as with Bocskai to achieve their goal. Although this was an unsuccessful attempt, they strongly supported the Hungarian uprising. After the death of Ieremia Movilă, his sons tried to gain the power over Moldavia with Polish assistance. By contrast, the Hungarians gave military assistance to Simion against Ieremia’s sons.

Storie di gesuiti, popolazione civile e truppe militari nell’Italia occupata (1943–1945)

This piece of research aims to present a historiographical and methodological review of the history of the Jesuits, the civilian population and the military troops during the German military occupation in Italy between 1943 and 1945. The analysis of hitherto unexplored sources, accessible since 2 March 2020, allows historians to explore the archival heritage that was produced by the different religious communities of the Society of Jesus present in rural and urban territories, which carried out functions of education, pastoral care and assistance in the communities of reference. The analysis of the role and function of the religious orders as observers of ‚Great History‘ to tell the story of the life of the civilian population in the years of the Second World War and under military occupation represents a privileged point of view that still awaits investigation.

Second Bull Run/Manassas

The summer of 1862 witnessed the struggle between Northern Republican and Democratic ideologies embodied in the Army of Virginia and the Army of the Potomac even as Union and Confederate armies faced off in the Second Manassas Campaign. Formed to protect Washington while Maj. Gen. George McClellan advanced on Richmond, the Army of Virginia and its leader, Maj. Gen. John Pope, implemented a Republican or “hard war” policy of military occupation by confiscating civilian property and imposing loyalty oaths. Northern and Southern Democrats (characterized by McClellan and Maj. Gen. Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson, respectively) recognized the threat that Pope’s ideology posed and sought to crush it, either by delaying reinforcement or decisive battlefield defeat. The defeat of Pope and his army by Confederate forces at Second Manassas delayed but did not destroy the twin Republican agendas of emancipation and destruction of the Confederacy. Pope and his political generals prefigured the total-war policies of the war’s last year.

The Tullahoma and Chickamauga Campaigns

This chapter explores the origins, conduct, and consequences of the 1863 Tullahoma and Chickamauga campaigns, part of the Union strategy to capture the critical Confederate transportation hub at Chattanooga. These campaigns turned on the politics of command, with discord on both sides shaping events and the personalities of commanders Maj. Gen. William S. Rosecrans and Gen. Braxton Bragg playing important roles in the outcome of these conflicts. The campaigns also resulted in widespread disruption in Georgia, Alabama, and middle and east Tennessee as widespread foraging, food shortages, and a growing number of refugees and displaced persons felt its effects. Guerrillas ranged through the Tennessee River Valley, preying upon soldiers and civilians alike. Unionists in the region found themselves in complicated and painful situations as they negotiated the difficult environment of invasion and military occupation. Both sides also experienced significant defeats in these campaigns; the Confederates, who lost most of Tennessee during the Tullahoma Campaign, and the Union, losing at the Battle of Chickamauga. These issues of discord, disruption, and defeat also played out against the backdrops of emancipation and national political consequences bearing on the coming 1864 U.S. presidential election. As the chapter demonstrates, the consequences of these campaigns were important for the Union’s continuing effort to secure Chattanooga and carry the war deep into the Confederate heartland in 1864.

Sex, Military Occupation, and Rank Are Associated with Risk of Anterior Cruciate Ligament Injury in Tactical-Athletes

ABSTRACTBackgrounACL injury is frequent within the U.S. military and represents a significant loss to readiness. Since recent changes to operational tempo, there has not been an analysis of ACL injury risk. There is sparse evidence on salient risk factors for ACL injury across all service members.Hypothesis/PurposeThe aim of this study is to evaluate military occupation, sex, rank, and branch of service on ACL injury risk in the U.S. military from 2006 to 2018.Study DesignDescriptive Epidemiology Study.MethodsThe Defense Medical Epidemiology Database was queried for the number of U.S. military members with ICD diagnosis codes 717.83 (Old disruption of ACL), 844.2 (Sprain of knee cruciate ligament), M23.61 (Other spontaneous disruption of ACL), and S83.51 (Sprain of ACL of knee) on their initial encounter from 2006 to 2018. Relative risk (RR) and chi-square statistics were calculated to assess sex and military occupation effects on ACL injury. A multivariable negative binomial regression model evaluated changes in ACL injury incidence with respect to sex, branch of service, and rank.ResultsThe study period displayed a significant decrease in the ACL injury rate at 0.18 cases per 1000 person-years or relative decrease of 4.08% each year (p < 0.001) after averaging over the main and interactive effects of sex, rank, and branch of service. The interaction effect of time with sex indicated a steeper decline in ACL injury incidence in males as compared to females. The risk of ACL injury by sex was modified by rank. Furthermore, the incidence of ACL injury among military personnel varied depending on occupation.ConclusionDespite the decline in incidence among military members over time, the rates of ACL injury remain much higher than the general U.S. population. Sex, rank, branch of service, and military occupation were found to be risk factors for ACL injury.Clinical RelevanceThese results are evidence to support inquiry into the specific hazards associated with these factors. It is critical for policy makers to understand the salient risk factors for ACL injury to guide appropriate proactive measures to prevent injury.What is known about this subjectACL injury is a known command readiness issue in the military, and there is recent evidence of this within subpopulations of the military.What this study adds to existing literatureThis study provides updated trends in ACL injury across the military in light of changes to operational tempo and identifies salient risk factors for ACL injury, which have been previously unknown on a population basis.

Gandhi, Indian Nationalism, and Temperance Resistance against the Raj

Chapter 7 follows Mahatma Gandhi’s embrace of prohibitionism as resistance against Britain’s “narco-military empire,” first in South Africa and then in India. Gandhi understood that the British system of imperial dominance was built upon trafficking addictive opium and alcohol, the revenues from which paid for military occupation. Nationalists Gandhi and C. Rajagopalachari adopted temperance tactics such as picketing liquor stores as part of their noncooperation activism. Their Prohibition League of India—a “social” rather than “political” organization—provided organizational safe haven for nationalists of the Indian National Congress when the British clamped down on Gandhi’s nationalist efforts. Making common cause with transnational temperance norm entrepreneurs such as “Pussyfoot” Johnson added greater legitimacy to both Indian nationalism and prohibitionism, which became utterly synonymous in Gandhi’s quest for independence.

Not Built to Last: Military Occupation and Ruination under Settler Colonialism

This article explores the afterlife of a military base on the islands of Haida Gwaii, unceded territory of the Indigenous Haida Nation. Canadian Forces Station Masset was officially decommissioned in 1997, its buildings abandoned by Canada’s armed forces. The understanding of both Haida and their settler neighbors was thus that the army was gone, leaving only ruins and ambivalent affects in its wake. Yet the military had not actually left; rather, it remained in concealment, continuing to monitor the territory it had occupied. At work in this strange juxtaposition of absence and presence, I argue, is the deliberate production of a paradox, a constitutive contradiction that serves to reinforce the structures of settler domination even as it mitigates the visible presence of the forces of occupation. The affects of ruination engendered by the military’s departure, I contend, form part of these processes of settler concealment and deception.