A cross-sectional evaluation of knowledge, attitudes, practices, and perceived challenges among Palestinian pharmacists regarding COVID-19

Objectives: This study aims to evaluate knowledge, attitudes, practices, and perceived challenges regarding coronavirus disease 2019 among pharmacists in Palestine. Methods: An online method was used to collect the data. Three hundred sixty-four pharmacists participated in the study from all areas in the Palestinian territories. The questionnaire consisted of three sections: sociodemographics; knowledge, attitudes, practices regarding coronavirus disease 2019; and barriers that prevent the implementation of infection control measures. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences program Version 21 was used to analyze the data. Variables were expressed as frequencies, percentages, mean, and median. The chi-square test, Kruskal–Wallis test, Mann–Whitney U test, and Pearson’s test were applied, along with logistic regression analysis. Results: The median age of the participants was 29 years old, and most of them were female (70.9%). The analysis found that 76.4% of pharmacists had good knowledge regarding coronavirus disease 2019, and 52.7% had good practices. The median attitude score recorded by the participants was 32 points [Q1–Q3: 30–34] out of 35. Notably, the level of concern regarding coronavirus disease 2019 was significantly associated with all three tools of measurement; knowledge ( p = 0.001), attitudes ( p = 0.001), and practices ( p = 0.001). It also appears that more years of experience had higher odds (3–5 years of experience: odds ratio, 2.560; 95% confidence interval, 1.413–4.639; p = 0.002, more than 5 years: odds ratio, 2.931; 95% confidence interval, 1.188–7.232; p = 0.020) of good practice. Conclusion: Although an acceptable level of knowledge was found, it might be considered inadequate. Moreover, there is a lack of appropriate adherence to safety measures from pharmacists. Therefore, we recommend the responsible authorities generate an organized training program to expand pharmacists’ knowledge and experience regarding coronavirus disease 2019.

The colonial roots of counter-insurgencies in international politics

There is a state-centrism in the way insurgencies are conceived in international politics. Herein, policy and practice targeting insurgencies draw on the long-established scholarly perception that war-making is the vocation of the state and that the violence of non-state insurgent factions is a source of insecurity. However, this state-centrism also has a colonial legacy and is an outgrowth of the colonial hostility towards anti-colonial factions. In this article, I establish the colonial roots of the current standing of insurgencies in international politics. Empirically, I focus on the European Union's (EU) peacebuilding efforts in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). These efforts are largely premised on the notion that state-building is synonymous with peacebuilding and are focused on furbishing the state-like institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA). But, in doing so, this manner of peacebuilding also replicates the scholarly antagonism towards non-state armed factions and, with it, the logic of colonial counterinsurgencies, as it de-legitimizes the varied forms of insurgent politics that occur outside the institutional limits of the PA. In the end, it is not entirely surprising that this mode of engagement has not secured peace—especially since it is premised on a certain antagonism towards insurgent politics. Therefore, I conclude, a substantial understanding (and incorporation) of the political grievances that drive insurgent politics, and their appeal, is essential for effective peacebuilding.

Interview with Avner Gvaryahu and Avihai Stollar, directors of Breaking the Silence

Following a roundtable discussion at the University of Coimbra on the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel regarding the perspectives and activity of the organisation Breaking the Silence, the journal Estudos do Século XX [20th Century Studies], published periodically by the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of the University of Coimbra, deemed this interview worthy of inclusion. This first conversation aims therefore to allow the two ex-soldiers and directors of Breaking the Silence to respond to questions posed by four researches from Group 1 – History, Memory, and Public Policy, of the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of the University of Coimbra. Unlike sections such as the “Thematic File”, ‘Interdisciplinary Dialogue” and “Critical Reviews”, which are aimed at publishing humanistic, artistic, scientific or technological texts, the “Interviews” section proposes to share civic-minded or memorialistic responses to questions regarding current but relevant issues in broader intellectual and social terms. Such is the intention, whether by bringing more civilian narratives into an academic journal, or simply noting correlations between humanistic, artistic, scientific or technological knowledge and civic intervention. This interview was documented, on the one hand, due to the ethical and geostrategic importance of the ongoing situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel; and, on the other hand, to highlight the main features and discursive strategy of Breaking the Silence. It is important to remember that this organisation is made up solely of Israeli citizens who have carried out mandatory military service in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; and that their discursive strategy prioritises characterising and contextualising/comparing specific situations in order to explain value judgements and suggestions for how to bring about drastic change. We value the existence of such an organisation within Israeli society that, in view of the grave problems in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, explicitly assumes the status of an association of ex-perpetrators. From this standpoint, Breaking the Silence defends: a) that Israeli soldiers describing in their own words what is really happening is one way of contributing to ending the ongoing systematic violation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; b) that victims and ex-perpetrators are entitled to support, should they so wish, in their efforts to overcome the effects of the mass violence that has occurred. Avner Gvaryahu and Avihai Stollar’s answers are especially poignant. Whether consciously or not, their respective intellectual rigour and ethical self-expectations seem to correlate somehow with the likes of Benedict de Spinosa and Hannah Arendt. The options set forth are also important owing to both the complexity and lengthy duration of the Israeli-Arab and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, and from the contradictions experienced in Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and in neighbouring countries such as Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Syria. Also considered were the verifiable connections with the overall mindset of the Cold War and the Post-Cold-War period, as well as phenomena such as the Jewish diaspora, anti-Judaism, anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. As researchers, we try above all to recreate and analyse, to contextualise and compare how communities handle and manage situations in which human rights are violated systematically, even when those responsible for such processes of mass violence are countries under liberal-democratic or democratic regimes. As citizens, we also recognise how important it is to highlight the individual (or small group) behaviour of those notable for their profound intellectual rigour and heightened self-expectations. As has sometimes happened in the past, we hope that, both now and in the future, the example set by the fairer minority will be followed by the majority; a majority composed of perpetrators and those who are indifferent to such events.

The International responsibility of Israeli Occupation for Natural Resources Exploitation in Palestinian Territories: المسؤولية الدوليّة للاحتلال الإسرائيليّ عن استغلال الثّروات الطبيعيّة في الأراضي الفلسطينيّة

The Israeli Occupation tends from the first moment of occupying Palestinian lands to seize and loot all the natural wealth and resources depriving the Palestinians of exploitation them and sovereignty on them by its executive, legislative and military policies despite INALIENABLE RIGHT in the rules of international law and the resolutions United Nations that caused severe effects and damages on the Palestinians. After the General Assembly of the United Nations recognition of the state of occupied Palestine on 29/11/2012 and becoming an observer member state which is considered as a very important step to put The State of Palestine in the frame of international law which enables it to join international entities that are under the United Nation system; joining Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court; It opens the way for the prosecution of the Israeli occupation for its multiple crimes such seizing and wasting the Palestinian natural wealth and to demand compensation for the full damage caused to wealth, the loss of profit and income on the Palestinian state; They are the axes that the research aims to shed light on.

Food attitudes and consumer behavior towards food in conflict-affected zones during the COVID-19 pandemic: case of the Palestinian territories

PurposeGlobal lockdowns and restrictions linked to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic have affected food environments and consumption patterns. Conflict-affected countries are disproportionately affected from economic and food security perspectives. In this regard, the Palestinian territories (namely West Bank and Gaza Strip), which face a number of issues such as Israeli military and economic control, overcrowded cities and refugee camps (especially in Gaza Strip), rising poverty and food insecurity, are an especially interesting case study. Accordingly, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the effects of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic on the selection and intake of foods and drinks, as well as consumer behavior and attitude toward food in the Palestinian territories.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws upon an online survey in the Palestinian territories administered in Arabic through the Survey Monkey platform from September 15 to October 10, 2020, with 322 adults. The survey findings were analyzed using descriptive statistics and several nonparametric tests. Particularly, the U-Mann Whitney test was used in dichotomous, categorical independent variables (e.g. gender), while the Kruskal–Wallis test was run to analyze multi-choice responses (e.g. occupation).FindingsThe results reveal that food attitudes and consumer behavior towards food have been widely affected. First, they reveal that Palestinians try to have healthier diets but ate more between meals (e.g. snacks). Second, the pandemic transformed respondents' shopping behavior and induced panic buying, negatively affecting food affordability due to increased prices of some foods (e.g. fruits and vegetables). Some food behaviors were shaped by negative psychological determinants (e.g. depression and anxiety). The pandemic effects are moderated by different sociodemographics (age, education and income). COVID-19 negatively affected food security but also opened a “window of opportunity” to trigger the transition towards more sustainable diets.Originality/valueThe paper results show that the eventual effects of COVID-19 will most likely vary from country to country, based not only on the epidemiological circumstances but also, among other factors, on the baseline socioeconomic situation and shock resilience. The findings contribute to the clarification and critical analysis of the impacts of COVID-19 on food behaviors in the Palestinian territories, which would have several policy implications.

De-colonising the right to housing, one new city at a time: Seeing housing development from Palestine/Israel

The right to housing is generally understood as a local struggle against the global commodification of housing. While useful for recognising overarching urbanisation processes, such understanding risks washing over the distinctive politics that produce the housing crisis and its ostensible solutions in different contexts around the globe. Situated in a settler-colonial context, this paper bridges recent comparative urban studies with Indigenous narratives of urbanisation, to re-think housing crisis solutions from the point of view of the colonised. Based on in-depth interviews with Palestinian citizens of Israel, the paper compares two cases of state-initiated, privatised housing developments, one in Israel and one in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: the new cities Tantour and Rawabi. Each case is examined as a singularity, distinctive formations of the spatialities of Zionist settlement in Palestine, which are now being transformed through privatised housing development. The paper presents these developments as mutually constituted through a colonial-settler project and Palestinian sumud resistance, the praxis of remaining on the land. The paper utilises comparison as a strategy, exploring each new city in turn, to reveal the range of directions in sumud. Thus, by seeing housing development as site for negotiating de-colonisation on the ground, the paper contributes to recent debates over the power of comparative urbanism to re-think global phenomena through treating urban terrains as singularities.

Investing in Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency in Palestinian Territories: Barriers and Opportunities

The main objective of this paper is to identify the renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE) policy and regulatory risks and barriers in the Palestinian Territories (PT). An accurate insight into the market structure and normative frameworks for RE and EE investments in the PT is performed. For this purpose, a survey has been conducted through two questionnaires and interviews addressed to public decision-makers and local and foreign sectoral companies to study the market confidence in the field of renewable energy sources (RES) and EE. The questionnaire was designed to investigate the attractiveness of RE and EE in the country by directly involving the various market players and to identify what could encourage or hinder investment. RE and EE are, in fact, a valid response to the needs of the PT to guarantee independence and security of supply, ensure access to energy throughout the territory, and reduce emissions. The climate-related issues are listed in the Palestinian political agenda. National subsidies and grants are offered for investment in RES and EE but are still the main barriers. Developments towards further utilization of RES are in progress continually. Marketing campaigns are stimulating the production of RE and EE promotion. RES and EE laws and regulations are continually issued.

Variations in Height, Weight and Body Mass Index According to Generation, Place of Residence and Region in Palestinian Territories

Introduction: The relationship between second intifada and risk factors of chronic diseases was not studied before in PalestineAims: The aims of this study is to describe differences in height , weight and BMI between different generations of Palestinians who were born at different times in the armed conflict. Also we wanted to know whether weight and height in West Bank follow any social pattern.Methods: This study was retrospective analysis of pooled data from many previous studies where participants reported their weight, height, place of residence, region in west bank and income.Results: Almost 61% of our study were females. Among female 12.8% were born before first intifada, 6.4% around first Intifada and 80.8% were born around second intifada. For males; 12.2% before first intifada, 5.7% around first intifada and 82.9% around second intifada. The generation born around second intifada had 12 cm higher height relative to generation before first intifada, 5 cm more height relative to first intifada generation (p=0.001), whereas females born before intifada had 20 Kg more weight than the generation of second intifada (p< 0.0001). In multiple regression model done for the second intifada generation weight and height were related to place of residence and income and age significantly.Conclusion: Political conflict have detrimental consequence on Palestinians wellbeing