peru-human-rights-under-states-of-emergency-comments-on-the-second-periodic-report-of-the-government-of-peru-to-the-united-nations-human-rights-committee-mar-1992-15-pp

2021 ◽  
pp. 1385
Author(s):  
Dianita Halim ◽  
Tundjung Herning Sitabuana

The debate about the pros and cons of supporting, protecting, and recognizing LGBT rights has existed since the early 19th century. In 2011, the United Nations declared a human rights resolution dedicated to sexual orientation and gender identity. The United Nations statement reaps many pros and cons from the countries that are members of it. Indonesia is one of those who disagree with this. In everyday life, LGBT people in Indonesia often face discrimination, harassment, and sexual violence even though law in Indonesia does not criminalize LGBT. The lives of LGBT who hold prisoner status are made more difficult because they often face discrimination, harassment, and sexual violence, both from other inmates and prison officials, but there is no positive law that supports the protection of LGBT. Therefore, this study aims to understand the form of legal protection for LGBT prisoners. The research method used is normative juridical research with a conceptual approach. The characteristic of human rights is universal and automatically attached to an individual because the individual is a human being. Human rights create an obligation for other individuals not to violate the rights of others and the obligation of the government to protect these rights. Indonesia is a rule of law. Through the concept of human rights and the rule of law, LGBT prisoners actually still have to be given legal protection against acts of discrimination committed by heterosexual prisoners and the need for law enforcement for acts of sexual violence. The government can actually apply several United Nations principles in the “Born Free and Equal” campaign to provide legal protection for LGBT prisoners who experienced discrimination, harassment, and sexual violence.NaskahPerdebatan mengenai pro dan kontra dalam mendukung, melindungi, dan mengakui hak LGBT sudah ada sejak awal ke-19. Pada 2011, PBB menyatakan resolusi hak asasi manusia yang didedikasikan untuk orientasi seksual dan identitas gender. Pernyataan PBB menuai banyak pro dan kontra dari negara-negara yang tergabung di dalamnya. Indonesia adalah salah satu yang tidak sependapat dengan hal tersebut. Dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, kaum LGBT di Indonesia kerap mendapat diskriminasi, pelecehan, dan kekerasan seksual meski hukum di Indonesia tidak mengkriminalisasi LGBT. Kehidupan kaum LGBT yang menyandang status narapidana menjadi lebih berat karena sering mendapatkan diskriminasi, pelecehan, dan kekerasan seksual, baik dari narapidana lain maupun petugas lembaga pemasyarakatan, tetapi tidak ada hukum positif yang mendukung perlindungan kaum LGBT. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini ditujukan untuk memahami bentuk perlindungan hukum bagi narapidana kaum LGBT. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hak asasi manusia adalah hak yang bersifat universal dan melekat secara otomatis kepada seseorang individu karena individu tersebut adalah manusia. Hak asasi manusia menimbulkan kewajiban bagi individu lain untuk tidak melanggar hak orang lain dan kewajiban pemerintah serta negara untuk melindungi hak-hak tersebut. Indonesia merupakan negara hukum. Melalui konsep hak asasi manusia dan negara hukum, maka narapidana kaum LGBT sebenarnya tetap harus diberi perlindungan hukum terhadap tindakan diskriminasi yang dilakukan oleh narapidana heteroseksual dan perlunya penegakan hukum atas tindak kekerasan seksual. Pemerintah sebenarnya dapat menerapkan beberapa prinsip PBB dalam kampanye “Born Free and Equal” untuk melakukan perlindungan hukum bagi narapidana kaum LGBT yang mengalami diskriminasi, pelecehan, dan kekerasan seksual.


Jurnal Selat ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-217
Author(s):  
Fithriatus Shalihah ◽  
Muhammad Raka Fiqri ◽  
Mohd. Arief

Since the birth of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, it has been a marker and guide in which it is hoped that in the future, there will be no more violations of human rights around the world, every human being has the right to a decent life and a peaceful life, free to embrace religion and life without discrimination, But this is not the case in Myanmar and China. So far, various facts have shown human rights violations committed by the Government of Myanmar and China, acts of discrimination, restrictions on freedom of religious rituals, and acts of severe crimes against humanity such as Genocide. Countries that should be the subject of international law that protects the human rights of their citizens are perpetrators of human rights crimes against them, international organizations such as the United Nations cannot do much in dealing with human rights violations and crimes against humanity that occur, this paper will discuss how the judicial review of UDHR violations against crimes against humanity that occurred in Myanmar and China and how the United Nations should play a role. The research method used is normative legal research using secondary data, primary legal materials, namely the 1948 UDHR and international legal instruments, and secondary legal materials of a literary nature such as books, journals, articles, and newspapers from internet sites that the author considers relevant related to the object written discussion.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yves Willemot

Namibia became independent on the 21st of March 1990, after seventy-five years of South African colonial and racial rule. SWAPO fought a long war for liberation, but the independence was also gained thanks to the diplomatic pressure from the United Nations. The United Nations were actively involved in the organisation of the first free elections which were held on the 7th of November 1989. The SWAPO liberation movement became by far the most important political party in the Namibian Parliament. But from the beginning the SWAPO-leaders explained that the past should be forgotten. They promoted a constructive political and economic collaboration with all Namibians, African and European. Due to this atmosphere of reconciliation Namibia had a successful political independence. One of the world's most progressive constitutions was written. It ends all racial discrimination and guarantees an extensive review of the human rights. The rules for the organisation of the legislative, executive and judiciary power are respected by all political parties. Namibia is without any doubt an example for a lot of African countries, which are now making steps towards democracy and multi-partyism. The Namibian government has still a lot of problems to deal with. The major ones are the social and economic inequalities that still exist between African and European Namibians. The conditions of life of the European Namibians are comparable to these in modern western societies, while African Namibians are living in poverty. The government will have to change this, because in the long term one cannot expect to build democracy on empty stomachs. But in order to realize the necessary economic growth, Namibians are also counting on the support and the investments from abroad. A member of government recently said: "Now we've installed democracy and the human rights are respected, where are the foreign in- vestments and the international aid?" 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clare Gorman ◽  
Lucy Halton ◽  
Kushum Sharma

The United Nations Human Rights Council has a powerful role to play in addressing the worst forms of child labour. Accountability mechanisms such as the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) – which work to support Member States to improve their human rights situation – are therefore widely seen as important opportunities to advocate for change. Ahead of Nepal’s third UPR cycle in 2021, the CLARISSA programme met with eight UN Permanent Missions to present recommendations addressing the exploitation of children within Nepal’s adult entertainment sector. This spotlight story shares the programme’s experience in advocacting within this process. It also highlights their approach of providing decision makers with recommendations to the Government of Nepal that were underpinned by the importance of integrating a participatory, adaptive and child-centred approach.


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