Battlefield Emotions in Late Antiquity: A Study of Fear and Motivation in Roman Military Treatises

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Różycki
2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-213
Author(s):  
Ludwig Rübekeil

AbstractThis article investigates the origin and history of two names dating from late Antiquity or the migration period. The first is the personal name Tufa, the second is the tribal name Armilausini. The two names can be traced back to a corresponding Germanic loan word in the Latin military language, tufa and armilausia, respectively, both of which are continued in the military language of the Eastern Roman and Byzantine Empire. The names are based on the appellative nouns. Both the appellatives and, even more so, the names turn out to be characteristic products of the multilingual background of the Roman military, as they show several signs of linguistic interference such as lexical reanalysis / folk etymology, morphological remodelling and semantic specialization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 523-567
Author(s):  
John Conyard

This paper attempts to give some insight into the role that Roman military reconstruction archaeology can play in the understanding of Roman military equipment from Late Antiquity. It can only provide a brief introduction to some of the equipment of the Late Roman army though, and Bishop and Coulston’s Roman Military Equipment, first published in 1993 (2nd ed., 2006), must remain the standard work.1 This contribution will chiefly aim to examine how items of equipment were made, and more importantly, to consider how they were used.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Petra Dark

AbstractThe Hadrian’s Wall area has more pollen sequences spanning Late Antiquity than any other part of the British Isles, but most are from peat bogs, posing problems of distinguishing between changes in the local wetland vegetation and events in the wider landscape. Here, an alternative perspective is offered by multi-proxy analyses of sediments from two lakes—Crag Lough and Grindon Lough—adjacent to the central sector of Hadrian’s Wall and the Stanegate, respectively. These demonstrate that at least the central sector of the Hadrianic frontier was constructed in a landscape already shaped by two millennia of woodland clearance, burning, farming and soil erosion. Roman military presence led to changes in agricultural and settlement patterns, but the overall impact, from an environmental perspective, was minor compared to that of prehistoric peoples. Roman withdrawal led to a relaxation in land use intensity, resulting in woodland regeneration on areas least favourable to agriculture, probably encouraged by climatic deterioration. The landscape, overall, remained predominantly open and agricultural, however, resembling that of the Late Iron Age. A multi-proxy multi-site approach offers the greatest prospect of understanding environmental and landscape changes connected with Roman military presence and withdrawal, and the varied spatial and temporal scales on which they occurred.


Iraq ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-294
Author(s):  
St J. Simpson

The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these periods though, the material culture is characterised by a strong mixture of Classical and Oriental traditions; thus, first-century AD graves contained gold face-coverings and the remains of diadems, both hinting at the eastern extension of practices more commonly found in the eastern Roman provinces, but Western lamps, glassware, ceramics and even a Roman military badge also occur at the site. Some of these betray direct political and military control, whereas others reflect a mixture of imports and local imitations; an appreciation of this rich cultural mix is important for the clearer understanding of Nineveh in Late Antiquity.Nineveh almost certainly held a Roman garrison at the extreme eastern limit of its empire but following the humiliation of the apostate Julian's Mesopotamian campaign of 363, it must have been ceded as part of the handover of five trans-Tigridian Roman provinces containing Nisibis, Singara, Castra Maurorum and fifteen unnamed forts to Shapur II (309–379). Thereafter the material culture from Nineveh finally acquires an Iranian character and, until its capture in 637/38 or 641/42 by an Arab army generally believed to have been commanded by ‘Utba bin Farqad, it flourished as a Sasanian town, bridgehead and fortress on the east bank of the Tigris (cf. Robinson 2000, 36–7). The datable finds of this period include four hoards of silver and bronze coins (Simpson 1996, 95–6); several personal seals, bullae and elaborate cutlery of Sasanian type (Simpson 1996, 97–8; 2003, 362–3, Fig. 3); a range of plain, mould-blown and cut glass (Simpson 2005); and four helmets, the latter hinting at the military component of the settlement referred to in the Arab sources (Simpson forthcoming, b).


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 159-168
Author(s):  
Christian Barthel

AbstractThis article examines the available archaeological and historical data on the Late Antique city of Apollonia-Sozousa, with a particular focus on the date of its elevation to the capital of Libya Superior. Contrary to recent scholarship that stressed intrinsic evidence in the form of a combination of Berber raids and a deficient Roman military infrastructure, this article seeks to reintegrate the local conflicts of late Roman Cyrenaica to the major historical events of the fifth century AD. It is argued that the failed attempt of AD 468 to conquer Vandal Africa and the subsequent retreat of the Roman forces out of Tripolitania in AD 470 serves as a more likely political background to date the relocation of the capital from Ptolemais to Apollonia-Sozousa.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 239
Author(s):  
BRUNA CAMPOS GONÇALVES

<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>No contexto da Antiguidade Tardia havia um grande número de bárbaros nos territórios do Império Romano, que interagiam na sociedade e, principalmente, no meio militar romano. Acreditamos que esse contato com outras culturas ampliou o aparato político-cultural militar de todos os envolvido, de forma que essa confluência cultural fomentou novos conhecimentos e saberes. Sendo assim, nesse artigo pretendemos contrastar as imagens dos bárbaros nos relatos advindos do século IV <em>Res Gestae </em>de Amiano Marcelino e nos panegíricos políticos de Temístio, tendo o primeiro sido um militar e o segundo um filósofo da corte Imperial.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>Antiguidade Tardia – Bárbaros – Imagem – Amiano Marcelino – Temístio.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>In the context of Late Antiquity there was a large number of barbarians in the territories of the Roman Empire, which interacted in society and especially among Roman military. We believe that contact with other cultures expanded the political-military cultural apparatus of all involved so that this cultural confluence fostered new knowledge and learnings. Therefore, in this article we intend to contrast the images of the barbarians in the fourth-century reports  Ammianus Marcellinus’ <em>Res Gestae</em> and  Themistius’ political panegyrics, as  the former was a military man and the latter a philosopher of the imperial court.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Late Antiquity – Barbarians – Image – Ammianus Marcellinus – Temistius.</p>


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