scholarly journals Diversity and Variability in the Preindustrial Iron-Smelting Technologies of Great Zimbabwe, Southern Africa

2021 ◽  
pp. 148-176
1988 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 223-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graeme Barker

This paper discusses the complex societies which flourished on the central plateau of southern Africa between the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers between c. AD 800 and 1500, and the models which can be proposed for how they functioned and why they developed. The principal archaeological monuments left by these societies are their regional political centres, the stone enclosures or zimbabwes (fig. 1), of which Great Zimbabwe is the best known and most elaborate (fig. 2). (The traditional spelling zimbabwe(s) is used in this paper rather than the correct but lesser known spelling dzimbahwe singular and madzimbahwe plural.) They varied considerably in size, but the largest probably housed populations numbering several thousands — Great Zimbabwe itself has been estimated to have had a population of some 30,000 people (Huffman 1984) — and their construction implies organized labour on a substantial scale. The main population lived in densely clustered huts outside the stone enclosure. Artefacts suggest that they were commoners, with the servants of the king and minor officials living close to the central hill. Beyond was an outer ring of prestige residences with their own housing units (fig. 2). ‘Great Zimbabwe was the product of a highly stratified society: the stone walls are essentially demonstrations of the prestige of a ruling class, a symbol of political authority that spread over the whole plateau’ (Garlake 1973, 14).


Africa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin N. Wilmsen

ABSTRACTHomologous origin myths concerning the Tsodilo Hills in north-western Botswana, Polombwe hill at the southern tip of Lake Tanganyika in Zambia and Kaphiri-Ntiwa hill in northern Malawi are examined. Parallels are drawn between the myths, where, in the process of creation, a primal pair in undifferentiated space and time passes through a series of liminal states, thereby bringing structure to the landscape and legitimacy to society in Iron Age Central and Southern Africa. These myths narrate the instituting of social legitimacy in their respective societies based on a resolution of the inherent contradiction between the concepts of authority and power, lineage and land. The structure of rights to possession of land is examined, and the text considers the role of sumptuary goods such as glass beads and metonymic signifiers such as birds within this structure. This study examines the prominence of hilltops as the residence of paranormal power and its association with human authority, and relates this to the archaeological interpretation of the Iron Age site Nqoma (Tsodilo Hills); this is compared with Bosutswe (eastern Botswana), Mapungubwe (Shashe-Limpopo basin), and the Shona Mwari myth recorded by Frobenius as used by Huffman in his analysis of Great Zimbabwe.


Art History ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Dewey

Great Zimbabwe is arguably one of the largest (area-wise), and most impressive archaeological sites in southern Africa. While not the first southern African site to use stone walls in its architectural plan (the slightly earlier site of Mapungubwe holds that distinction), this World Heritage site is without doubt the most often visited, photographed, and studied archeological site in southern Africa. The dressed granite blocks were assembled without mortar into structures of impressive dimensions. The walls in the Great Enclosure are eleven meters high, six meters thick at their base, four meters at the top, and the circumference of the structure is 255 meters. Great Zimbabwe was the largest of many other smaller zimbabwes (or houses of stone) from the same period. All are located on the edge of the plateau, so as to be at the center of the annual seasonal movement of cattle between the highlands and lowlands (to avoid tsetse fly and sleeping sickness problems). Gold (and probably iron) was mined, worked, and traded internally and externally, but the real wealth of Great Zimbabwe was in the huge herds of cattle they controlled. From radiocarbon dates we know that the area around Great Zimbabwe was settled by the 5th century of the Christian era. Early walls were built in the 13th century, and people continued to inhabit the site till the 1500s, and perhaps longer. Most agree that the peak of economic prosperity, and when the majority of the building was done, was the period between 1300 and 1450. Great Zimbabwe’s decline was probably gradual, as power moved to states in the southwest (Butua and Khami) and northeast (Mutapa). Interpretation of Great Zimbabwe has undergone considerable change over the years from the early insistence on foreign construction, to the current accepted understanding of it being the result of local African development. Names of structures at the site have also changed with time (e.g., Circular Ruins, Elliptical Ruins, Elliptical Temple, Imba Huru [Great House] and Great Enclosure for the same structure), so it is imperative that researchers be cognizant of the historical context (colonial, white settler, post-independent times, etc.) of when they were written. The most famous material finds from Great Zimbabwe are the carved soapstone (or steatite, a type of talc-schist rock) birds. Because of the popularity of the topic of Great Zimbabwe and the long history of coverage, there are many thousands of citations relating to Great Zimbabwe. Much of the research has been dominated by historians and archaeologists. Art historians seeking to understand the material culture, especially architecture and sculptural objects, will not find much in Art Historical literature and instead will need to be more interdisciplinary and explore the research of these and other disciplines


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shadreck Chirikure ◽  
Tawanda Mukwende ◽  
Abigail J. Moffett ◽  
Robert T. Nyamushosho ◽  
Foreman Bandama ◽  
...  

In southern Africa, there has been a long-standing but unsubstantiated assumption that the site of Khami evolved out of Great Zimbabwe's demise around ad 1450. The study of local ceramics from the two sites indicate that the respective ceramic traditions are clearly different across the entire sequence, pointing towards different cultural affiliations in their origins. Furthermore, there are tangible typological differences between and within their related dry-stone architecture. Finally, absolute and relative chronologies of the two sites suggest that Khami flourished as a major centre from the late fourteenth/early fifteenth century, long before Great Zimbabwe's decline. Great Zimbabwe also continued to be occupied into the late seventeenth and perhaps eighteenth centuries, after the decline of Khami. Consequently, the combined significance of these observations contradicts the parent-offspring relationship implied in traditional frameworks. Instead, as chronologically overlapping entities, the relationship between Khami and Great Zimbabwe, was heterarchical. However, within the individual polities, malleable hierarchies of control and situational heterarchies were a common feature. This is in tune with historically documented political relations in related pre-colonial southern Zambezian states, and motivates for contextual approaches to imagining power relations in pre-colonial African contexts.


Antiquity ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 87 (337) ◽  
pp. 854-872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shadreck Chirikure ◽  
Mark Pollard ◽  
Munyaradzi Manyanga ◽  
Foreman Bandama

Great Zimbabwe is one of the most iconic sites in southern Africa and indeed the world, but like so many famous monuments it has suffered from the attention of early excavators who have destroyed key categories of evidence. Chronology is crucial to understanding the development of the various elements of Great Zimbabwe and its relationship to other important regional centres such as Mapungubwe. A number of radiocarbon dates are available, however, and in this study they have been combined with the limited stratigraphic information and with datable imports to provide a Bayesian chronology of the site and its structures. Construction of the stone walls probably began at the end of the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth century AD, reaching its peak in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, although occupation continued up to at least the sixteenth and probably into the seventeenth century AD. These results indicate that occupation at Great Zimbabwe must have overlapped with that at Mapungubwe, and argue for a polycentric model of sociopolitical complexity in this region of southern Africa during that crucial formative period.


1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Hall ◽  
J. C. Vogel

In this paper we review radiocarbon dates which have become available over the past three years for the more recent archaeological sites south of the Cunene and Limpopo Rivers, assessing the determinations within the broader context of economy and society. For a framework, we make use of broad physiographic divisions of southern Africa, thus breaking from the artificial constraints of modern political divisions and allowing greater possibilities of synthesisWithin the set of new dates there are several fields in which recent radiocarbon determinations have been particularly important. The nature of hunting and gathering and herding communities in the arid western regions of the sub-continent is now more fully understood and more information is available about the succession of lithic industries in the south-western interior. In the south-eastern coastal areas the geographical extent of the earliest farming communities has been firmly dated. New determinations are beginning to provide a firmer chronology for the succession of ceramic industries in the east, and reassessment of the dating of the important sites of Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe demands a revision of concepts of early state development and trading contact with the east coast.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document