Informal counterterrorism arrangements in Europe: Beauty by variety or duplicity by abundance?

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oldrich Bures

Most existing analyses of counterterrorism cooperation among EU Member States have focused on the formal EU agencies and institutions, which may be regarded as direct vertical extensions of political and executive power in the EU Member States. When it comes to practical cooperation, however, it appears that national security agencies in Europe often prefer to utilize horizontal non-EU counterterrorism arrangements. Because of their flexibility and relative independence from national governments, as well as their ability to include a broader range of participants on equal footing, it is generally assumed that these informal arrangements are more suitable for achieving common goals than their more formal and hierarchical EU counterparts. This article argues that the informal non-EU arrangements also suffer from a number of distinct shortcomings. This, in turn, questions the wisdom of the post-9/11 response to terrorism by putting yet more formal EU bodies and/or informal arrangements on the already crowded map of security bodies in Europe.

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gönül Oğuz

Human trafficking lies at the heart of international organised crime. It is concerned with profits in terms of the exploitation of human beings. It is an abuse of basic rights. The enormous interest and concern for trafficking and human struggling is factual evidence. In the EU, policy on irregular migration is driven by the perception that the member states risk being overwhelmed by large numbers of irregular migrants thought to constitute a threat to national security. This has implications for policy measures designed to combat trafficking and human smuggling, which may not work without international cooperation. In most cases, victims are brought to the EU member states from abroad. This creates a demand for international obligations for cooperation and related instruments for combating human smuggling and trafficking. Therefore, the member states and their law enforcement agencies cannot tackle human trafficking alone. A question arises as to whether Turkey can be a vital partner, based on the facts that it is a transit country, with a strong border and assuming that it has a role to play, through its expertise and its commitment to dealing with the effects of trafficking. Unfortunately, these facts are still overlooked, while disproportionately intensive efforts are expended on dealing with questions of national security by the member states. Combating illegal immigration and reducing and controlling migration are frequently seen through the magnifying glass of the struggle against human trafficking. This article focuses on the international factors involved and how the wider international community might be able to play an effective role in helping to tackle human trafficking. It argues that continued coordination and collaboration across the countries is vital. The article reviews the empirical evidence from Turkey, as non-EU/candidate countries' cooperation and assistance in human trafficking may have an important dimension.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Angeliki Konstantinidou ◽  
Daniela Vintila

The COVID-19 pandemic constitutes an unprecedented challenge for policy-makers worldwide. The coronavirus outbreak has rapidly put into question states’ preparedness for crisis management, while also raising particular concerns on how national governments assist their citizens abroad in situation of distress. This Policy Brief tackles the issue of governmental responsiveness to the diaspora in a context of pandemic alert. In doing so, we focus on the case of Cyprus, one of the EU Member States with the largest share of citizens residing abroad. Drawing on official documents publicly released by different Cypriot authorities, we map the different initiatives adopted by the Cypriot Government in the attempt to assist its diaspora during the pandemic. Our analysis shows that, in line with its traditional approach towards non-residents citizens, Cyprus has adopted a rather pro-active stance vis-à-vis its population abroad. Since the COVID-19 outbreak, several initiatives have been put forward by ministerial actors, often via inter-institutional cooperation, aiming to mobilise resources that could meet diaspora’ needs. However, the Government’s engagement with the diaspora during this crisis has remained rather selective. Most policy measures primarily aimed to provide support to Cypriots in specific (mainly European) destination countries, while also targeting particularly vulnerable groups of individuals stuck abroad during the pandemic.


Teisė ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 121 ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Sviatoslav Kavyn ◽  
Ivan Bratsuk ◽  
Anatoliy Lytvynenko

This article is devoted to the study of information security in the EU member states, in particular Germany and France, in the context of the analysis of their national legislation, state, national programs and regulations. Particular attention is paid to the study of the features of regulatory and legal security of information security of Germany and France in the context of the study of their national legislation in terms of economic security as an inherent component of national security. In the course of this study the peculiarities of the functioning of the institutional and legal mechanism of cyber defense in the context of the multi-vector system of international security and legal regulation of international cooperation are analyzed. The article substantiates the expediency of developing an integrated, coordinated information policy of the EU member states in order to unify approaches to information security.At the same time, the current realities of European Union policy require comprehensive research in the context of ensuring national interests, developing effective mechanisms for protecting the information space, and legal mechanisms for shaping the economic system as a strategic factor of national security. Accordingly, the approaches to information security adopted in the European Union are currently not unified due to the geopolitical specifics of the EU’s countries. Therefore, the research, evaluation, and implementation of the positive experience of Germany and France in this area, according to the authors, is important in building the information security system of the European Union in the context of reliable protection against cyber threats.


Author(s):  
D. Potapov

The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-304
Author(s):  
Stjepan Novak

The paper deals with the necessity of protecting procedural rights of persons or entities connected with terrorism in the course of international sanctions and legal sanctioning on one hand, and the requirement of protecting classified data of the EU member states on the other. When considering the rights of the defendant, one of the biggest issues is the lack of data stemming from the reluctance of the member states to share information from their jurisdiction with either the sanctioned persons or the Court of the European Union. It has arisen from the effort of the member states to protect their classified data, some of which are seen as particularly sensitive from the national security aspect, by their national legal regulations. The most serious issue is distrust of the member states in the Court of the EU, i.e. their doubt whether the EU justice system will be able to protect classified data appropriately. The Court of the European Union has tried to resolve these two conflicting tendencies, thus indirectly widening its jurisdictions to the areas previously reserved for the member states. It has regulated the handling of classified national security data in its practice and its internal regulations, for example in the Rules of Procedure of the General Court of the European Union. In fact, the Court has conditioned the implementation of sanctions on the delivery of such data both to the Court and, although not in all instances, to the persons or entities whom the particular sanctions refer to. The problem could be solved by delivering an unclassified summary of the relevant data in order to provide an explanation as to why the competent body of a member state believes that a person or an entity should be covered with sanctions. Such a summary could be delivered to the Council of the EU, and if necessary, to the Court of the EU and the person or entity contesting the sanctions. Considering the principle of loyal cooperation stipulated in Article 4, Paragraph 3 of the TEU, this should suffice to the Court of the EU.


Author(s):  
Ivo Rollis ◽  
Zaneta Ozolina

The article addresses main OECD SIGMA recommendations regarding national European Union (EU) policy co-ordination in Ukraine and provides relevant lessons from Latvia and other EU Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) Member States in addressing similar challenges from the EU pre-accession and post-accession experience. Efficiency of a national policy co-ordination is one of the core determinants to succeed europeanization of a national core executive power and further integration with the EU. The OECD SIGMA Baseline Measurement Assessment Report on Principles of Public Administration in Ukraine published in June 2018 reveals important concerns in steering and co-ordination of some reform initiatives, overlapping competences of public bodies in co-ordinating policy planning and implementation monitoring of the Government’s performance in public sector reforms. Effective implementation of national reforms is vital also in the terms of implementation of the Ukraine–EU Association Agreement (AA) that entered into force on September 1, 2017 and Actual problems of international relations. Release 140. 2019 16 requires a high level of coordination in the Ukrainian government. Relevant national EU policy co-ordination experience of the EU CEE Member States is revisited as a possible lesson for Ukraine in implementation of essential structural reforms on the national level. Key words: europeanization, Association Agreement, principles of public administration, national policy co-ordination, policy planning


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Anthony Camilleri

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the European Union’s (EU) latest regulatory principles for environmental, social and governance (ESG) disclosures. It explains how some of the EU’s member states are ratifying the EU Commission’s directives on ESG reporting by introducing intelligent, substantive and reflexive regulations. Design/methodology/approach – Following a review of EU publications and relevant theoretical underpinnings, this paper reports on the EU member states’ national policies for ESG reporting and disclosures. Findings – The EU has recently revised a number of tools and instruments for the reporting of financial and non-financial information, including the EU’s modernisation directive, the EU’s directive on the disclosure of non-financial and diversity information, the EU Energy Efficiency Directive, the European pollutant release and transfer register, the EU emission trading scheme, the integrated pollution prevention and control directive, among others. Practical implications – Although all member states are transposing these new EU directives, to date, there are no specific requirements in relation to the type of non-financial indicators that can be included in annual reports. Moreover, there is a need for further empirical evidence that analyse how these regulations may (or may not) affect government entities and big corporations. Social implications – Several EU countries are integrating reporting frameworks that require the engagement of relevant stakeholders (including shareholders) to foster a constructive environment that may lead to continuous improvements in ESG disclosures. Originality/value – EU countries are opting for a mix of voluntary and mandatory measures that improve ESG disclosures in their respective jurisdictions. This contribution indicates that there is scope for national governments to give further guidance to civil society and corporate business to comply with the latest EU developments in ESG reporting. When European entities respond to regulatory pressures, they are also addressing ESG and economic deficits for the benefit of all stakeholders.


Author(s):  
Amy Verdun

European integration theories help us understand the actors and mechanisms that drive European integration. Traditionally, European integration scholars used grand theories of integration to explain why integration progresses or stands still. Born out of assumptions that are prevalent in realist international relations theories, intergovernmentalism was first developed as a theory in opposition to neofunctionalism. In a nutshell, intergovernmentalism argues that states (i.e., national governments or state leaders), based on national interests, determine the outcome of integration. Intergovernmentalism was seen as a plausible explanatory perspective during the 1970s and 1980s, when the integration process seemed to have stalled. Despite the fact that it could not explain many of the gradual incremental changes or informal politics, intergovernmentalism—as did various other approaches—gained renewed popularity in the 1990s, following the launch of liberal intergovernmentalism. During that decade, the study of European integration was burgeoning, triggered in part by the aim to complete the single market and the signing of the Maastricht Treaty that launched the European Union (EU). Intergovernmentalism also often received considerable pushback from researchers who were unconvinced by its core predictions. Attempts to relaunch intergovernmentalism were made in the 2010s, in response to the observation that EU member states played a prominent role in dealing with the various crises that the EU was confronted with at that time, such as the financial crisis and the migration crisis. Although intergovernmentalism is unable —and is not suited—to explain all aspects of European integration, scholars revert to intergovernmentalism as a theoretical approach in particular when examining the role of member states in European politics. Outside the EU, in the international arena (such as the United Nations), intergovernmentalism is also observed when studying various forums in which member states come together to bargain over particular collective outcomes in an intergovernmental setting.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 358-362
Author(s):  
Nikolay Marin

Abstract Since 2011 a sustainable growth of illegal immigrants in the EU has been observed. As a result, Bulgaria has become one of the most affected member states of the EU. This article aims to research the main factors, resulted from the illegal immigration, which are changing the national security environment in Bulgaria. This paper is focused on the improvement of legal and political mechanisms for cooperation between the EU member states, coming from the Common asylum and immigration policy and building of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice in the EU.


Author(s):  
Irina PILVERE ◽  
Aleksejs NIPERS ◽  
Bartosz MICKIEWICZ

Europe 2020 Strategy highlights bioeconomy as a key element for smart and green growth in Europe. Bioeconomy in this case includes agriculture, forestry, fisheries, food and pulp and paper production, parts of chemical, biotechnological and energy industries and plays an important role in the EU’s economy. The growth of key industries of bioeconomy – agriculture and forestry – highly depends on an efficient and productive use of land as a production resource. The overall aim of this paper is to evaluate opportunities for development of the main sectors of bioeconomy (agriculture and forestry) in the EU based on the available resources of land. To achieve this aim, several methods were used – monographic, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, statistical analysis methods. The findings show that it is possible to improve the use of land in the EU Member States. If all the Member States reached the average EU level, agricultural products worth EUR 77 bln would be annually additionally produced, which is 19 % more than in 2014, and an extra 5 billion m3 volume of forest growing stock would be gained, which is 20 % more than in 2010.


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