scholarly journals Situating the Pandemic: Welfare Capitalism and Canada’s Liberal Regime

2021 ◽  
pp. 002073142098707
Author(s):  
Scott M. Aquanno ◽  
Toba Bryant

This article focuses on Canada’s liberal welfare state and the COVID-19 pandemic, offering an overview of some of the unequal health and social effects of the crisis. It argues that the policy response to the pandemic should be situated within a broader pattern of welfare restructuring and organization that serves to instrumentalize economic insecurity and extend labor discipline. Without making firm predictions about the future, we argue that this is likely to reproduce increasingly unequal patterns of welfare access, providing benefits to some constituents while disciplining vulnerable groups to facilitate competitive gains.

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Powell

In his path-breaking account of ‘The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism’, Gøsta Esping-Andersen (1990) aimed to provide a ‘re-specification of the welfare state’. This article examines the claim of Esping-Andersen that his account draws on the theoretical work of Polanyi, Marshall and Titmuss. It then explores the conceptual critique of Esping-Andersen which led to his 1999 revision, with its rather different theoretical underpinnings. It concludes that some of the theoretical underpinning of this work is unclear both in the work of Esping-Andersen and in subsequent accounts, resulting in a largely atheoretical debate. Concepts such as de-commodification do not appear to be clearly drawn from their stated ‘parent’ authors, and may not sum up the content or essence of welfare states. The ‘re-specification of the welfare state’ must be a larger part of the strategy of the welfare modelling business in the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Varvara Lalioti

This article aims to provide a succinct historical overview of comparative social policy. Typified by both challenges and benefits, comparative social policy started to experience a period of growth in the 1960s, a time characterized by the dominance of the socalled Keynesian welfare state. It will be argued that the publication of Esping-Andersen’s Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism in 1990, during a period marked by the  omnipotence of the so-called Schumpeterian welfare state, coincides with the beginning of a new era for comparative social policy, one that has resulted in it being recognized as a separate field of study. The article discusses the main characteristics of each evolutionary phase of comparative social policy, as exemplified by the preponderance of descriptive studies and the functionalist family of welfare state explanations in the pre-1990 years and the dominance of the welfare state taxonomies in the post-1990 period. In spite of the challenges that are yet to be overcome, the proliferation of studies in the field transmitspositive messages about the future of comparative social policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000169932199419
Author(s):  
Arno Van Hootegem ◽  
Koen Abts ◽  
Bart Meuleman

This article aims to explain the paradoxical finding that socio-economically vulnerable groups express more economic, moral and social criticism of the welfare state. As these groups generally benefit more from the welfare state and hold more egalitarian world views, their stronger criticism cannot be explained by the traditional frameworks of self-interest and ideology. As an alternative, we highlight the importance of social experiences of resentment as a source of discontent with welfare state performance. Our contribution argues that the dissatisfaction is embedded in a broader welfare populist critique that pits the hard-working people against the deceitful elite and welfare abusers. This welfare populism emerges from experiences of resentment related to the restructuring of group positions in the process of modernization. We differentiate between three types of discontent: economic status insecurity, group relative deprivation and social distrust. By applying structural equation modelling, we test whether resentful experiences mediate the relationship between the social structural position and welfare state criticism. Results indicate that relative deprivation consistently leads to more economic, moral and social criticism. Social distrust, moreover, stimulates a higher level of moral criticism. This study illustrates that resentment is indeed an important element for understanding the paradoxical relationship between social class and welfare state criticism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hüther ◽  
Matthias Diermeier

Abstract Can the rise of populism be explained by the growing chasm between rich and poor? With regard to Germany, such a causal relationship must be rejected. Income distribution in Germany has been very stable since 2005, and people’s knowledge on actual inequality and economic development is limited: inequality and unemployment are massively overestimated. At the same time, a persistently isolationist and xenophobic group with diverse concerns and preferences has emerged within the middle classes of society that riggers support for populist parties. This mood is based on welfare chauvinism against immigration rather than on a general criticism of distribution. Since the immigration of recent years will inevitably affect the relevant indicators concerning distribution, an open, cautious but less heated approach is needed in the debate on the future of the welfare state. In order to address and take the local concerns of citizens seriously, an increased exchange with public officials on the ground is needed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-172
Author(s):  
Andrew Lister

Abstract Jason Brennan and John Tomasi have argued that if we focus on income alone, the Difference Principle supports welfare-state capitalism over property-owning democracy, because capitalism maximizes long run income growth for the worst off. If so, the defense of property-owning democracy rests on the priority of equal opportunity for political influence and social advancement over raising the income of the worst off, or on integrating workplace control into the Difference Principle’s index of advantage. The thesis of this paper is that even based on income alone, the Difference Principle is not as hostile to property-owning democracy as it may seem, because the Difference Principle should not be interpreted to require maximizing long run income growth. The main idea is that it is unfair to make the present worst off accept inequality that doesn’t benefit them, for the sake of benefitting the future worst off, if the future worst off will be better off than they are anyway.


Author(s):  
Toni Pierenkemper ◽  
Klaus F. Zimmermann

AbstractThis paper attempts to trace the construction of the standard employment contract in Germany from the beginning of the 19th century onwards. In 20th century Germany, it was reinforced alongside with the consolidation of the welfare state and developed into the modern concept of the standard employment contract. Due to globalization forces and dynamics of capitalist market economies, the standard employment contract has turned into an obstacle in the way of modern economy’s progress. The future might be determined by increasing work flexibility, rising working hours, falling income and increasing unemployment rates, rendering the standard employment contract anachronistic and obsolete.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-47
Author(s):  
Oksana V. Sinyavskaya
Keyword(s):  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document