Unpacking the Local Resource Curse: How Externalities and Governance Shape Social Conflict

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 640-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renard Sexton

Natural resource extraction is economically important in many developing countries, but social conflict can threaten the viability of the sector. This article examines why polluting extractive industries sometimes generate social mobilization but often do not. First, I distinguish acute, highly visible environmental externalities from chronic, less observable pollution, showing that only the former generate social mobilization. Second, I explore how high-quality local governance can mitigate the local resource curse dynamic by both reducing pollution and improving compensation in mining-intensive areas. The analysis uses microlevel data on extractive commodities, water pollution, children’s and livestock health, local government quality, and mining-related social conflict in Peru to demonstrate the full causal pathway of the local resource curse.

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Tyburski ◽  
Patrick Egan ◽  
Aaron Schneider

Drawing on comparative resource curse literature and American literature on the determinants of corruption, we argue that the impact of natural resource extraction on corruption outcomes is state-dependent. That is, in environments where corruption is already high, natural resource windfalls allow political actors and economic elites to take advantage of state brokerage, further increasing corruption. However, in previously less-corrupt states, increased natural resource extraction will not induce corruption. We rely on hierarchical linear models to interpret federal corruption convictions data for the fifty American states between 1976 and 2012 and employ generalized method of moments estimators to account for potential endogeneity. The findings are robust to alternative specifications and have implications for the management of new resource extraction opportunities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ji Yeon Hong ◽  
Wenhui Yang

How does natural resource extraction affect ethnic violence in a strong authoritarian state? This study investigates the effects of oil and natural gas development on violent incidents in Xinjiang, China, using data from its eighty-six counties. Contrary to the resource curse claim, we find that areas with larger quantities of resource production have lower rates of violence. The analysis of reserves data confirms that this finding is not driven by endogeneity between violence and resource production. This soothing effect of resources subsides, however, in areas with high mosque density. While we find no supporting evidence that drastic ethno-demographic changes or strengthening of public security are associated with resource extraction, the analysis shows that resource development contributes to improved local economic conditions, particularly with respect to employment and the incomes of employees of state-owned enterprises.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110252
Author(s):  
Angélica María Bernal

This article examines the confluence of extractivism, violence, and their resistance in the context of left governance – specifically the case of Ecuador – through an engagement with the concept of populism. Alongside Bolivia and Venezuela, Ecuador has long been associated with the rise of radical populism and with it an ‘autocratic turn’ in Latin America. Dispensing with overdetermined accounts of populism as either the anti-thesis or essence of democracy, this article proposes a third lens – dual populisms – to better grapple with the neocolonial turn toward intensified natural resource extraction and violence. That this intensification took place in the context of a left-in-power in Ecuador was initially surprising given previous alliances between President Correa’s party and Indigenous and environmental movements, and its rejection of capitalist and neoliberal developmentalism. With the expansion of extractive industries, and its accompanying violence increasingly becoming a global phenomenon, dual populism posits a third position – one that is at once top-down, state centered, and also bottom-up and social movement focused – to better account for the complex dynamics at work within this turn.


Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Ogwang ◽  
Frank Vanclay ◽  
Arjan van den Assem

We consider the different types of rent-seeking practices in emerging oil economies, and discuss how they contribute to social conflict and a local resource curse in the Albertine Graben region of Uganda. The rent-seeking activities have contributed to speculative behavior, competition for limited social services, land grabbing, land scarcity, land fragmentation, food insecurity, corruption, and ethnic polarization. Local people have interpreted the experience of the consequent social impacts as a local resource curse. The impacts have led to social conflicts among the affected communities. Our research used a range of methods, including 40 in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and document analysis. We argue there is an urgent need by all stakeholders—including local and central governments, oil companies, local communities, and civil society organizations—to address the challenges before the construction of oil infrastructure. Stakeholders must work hard to create the conditions that are needed to avoid the resource curse; otherwise, Uganda could end up suffering from the Dutch Disease and Nigerian Disease, as has befallen other African countries.


Author(s):  
Volker Lehmann

This chapter analyzes the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) as a global governance tool to curb adverse effects of non-renewable natural resource extraction and commodification, and its interlocking challenges for environment, security, and justice. EITI’s premise that transparency in state resource revenues will foster broader societal transformations so far seems illusory. EITI lacks sanctioning mechanisms vis-à-vis participating companies that hinder full transparency, for example by evading the payment of taxes through tax loopholes. Such problems cannot be solved by resource-rich countries alone, but require political intervention by states that host global financial hubs as well as the most powerful multinational resource extraction companies. Going forward, an “EITI Plus” should also include environmental sustainability standards, so it may strengthen, not contradict broader global agreements such as the UN’s Agenda 2030 for sustainable development and the Paris Climate Accord.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rebecca Miller

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT REQUEST OF AUTHOR.] Scholars link natural resource wealth to a host of anti-democratic consequences. The bulk of this literature focuses on the consequences of oil revenues, which have the power to dramatically transform a country. However, mining can have a similar effect subnationally. At the local level, mining dominates an economy. The mining industry's economic power in areas of weak local governance can produce a competing governing entity. This effect is most pronounced within the realm of public goods provision. Given mining's ability to become a competing state-like entity, this dissertation asks how resource extraction influences citizen interactions with the state. Focusing specifically on the Republic of South Africa, I find that mining leads to increases in political trust, but also results in increases in support for authoritarian service providers. In addition, I find that mining reduces citizen voice, by both reducing the count of protests and decreasing voter turnout. These findings contribute to the resource curse literature by demonstrating that mining can promote a political resource curse while also addressing issues of local economic development.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 118-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aldo F. Ponce ◽  
Cynthia McClintock

AbstractAlthough numerous scholars have analyzed the effects of natural resource extraction at the national level, few have explored it systematically at the local level. Focusing on Peru, where both mining production and local social protests have greatly increased in recent years and where a new tax has required mining companies to transfer revenue to subnational governments, this study explores the resource curse at the local level. In particular, why do protests arise mostly in the areas of natural resource extraction? Employing subnational data for Peru for the period 2004–9 and LAPOP survey data from 2010, the research confirms previous findings that social conflict is provoked by both the negative externalities of mining and the revenues from the new tax. The article further demonstrates that local bureaucratic capacity is a significant independent variable. Greater subnational bureaucratic capacity can ameliorate the pernicious societal effects of a local resource curse.


Author(s):  
Moises Arce ◽  
Adrian Siefkas

The bulk of the existing literature on the resource curse emphasizes the pervasive and negative outcomes that are typically associated with a country’s abundance of natural resources, such as poor governance, low levels of economic development, civil war, and dictatorship. The worldwide correlation between natural resource wealth and autocratic governance is well-known, and scholars have tried to explain this outcome in a variety of ways. One explanation is rentier state theory, which argues that resource wealth inhibits the growth of civil society because resource (oil) rents allow governments to relieve social pressures through a mix of low taxes and patronage spending. Oil rents thus undermine citizens’ motivation to mobilize, demand representation, or hold political leaders accountable. However, while much of the resource curse literature focuses on the adverse effects of oil wealth, oil makes up only one portion of extractive industries. A growing comparative political economy literature focuses on resource extraction (e.g., precious metals like gold and silver; base metals like copper; and energy resources like coal and uranium) and explains why it leads to conflict among local populations, corporations, and national governments. The extraction of these resources has the opposite effect of oil in that it tends to generate political activity as opposed to political apathy or quiescence. By political activity, we mean the different mobilizations and collective action strategies of challengers near the extractive frontier. While the literature treats this political activity as conflict, it is nonetheless distinct from the resource–civil war debate from the resource curse literature. Case studies and quantitative research support the observation that mineral wealth leads to conflict. The quantitative literature examines the variation of resource (mineral) conflicts cross-nationally and subnationally. Some studies have examined the relationship between mineral wealth and conflict; other studies have explored the relationship between geo-referenced extractive areas and conflict. Mineral extraction is different from oil extraction in terms of the labor intensity of extraction processes, the state ownership of the resource, and the amount of revenue each resource generates. Conflicts over mineral wealth can occur at different stages along the commodity chain: the point of resource access (e.g., when agricultural producers and extractive industries clash over land and water use), the extraction stage itself (e.g., when extractive industries are expanded), the processing and transportation of oil and minerals, and the waste management stage (e.g., the failure of tailing dams or oil pipelines). This comparative political economy literature has also begun to explore the consequences of conflicts, which can result in different political interactions between local communities and corporations, the extension of consultation rights as well as other participatory practices at the grassroots level.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document