scholarly journals Rent-Seeking Practices, Local Resource Curse, and Social Conflict in Uganda’s Emerging Oil Economy

Land ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Ogwang ◽  
Frank Vanclay ◽  
Arjan van den Assem

We consider the different types of rent-seeking practices in emerging oil economies, and discuss how they contribute to social conflict and a local resource curse in the Albertine Graben region of Uganda. The rent-seeking activities have contributed to speculative behavior, competition for limited social services, land grabbing, land scarcity, land fragmentation, food insecurity, corruption, and ethnic polarization. Local people have interpreted the experience of the consequent social impacts as a local resource curse. The impacts have led to social conflicts among the affected communities. Our research used a range of methods, including 40 in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and document analysis. We argue there is an urgent need by all stakeholders—including local and central governments, oil companies, local communities, and civil society organizations—to address the challenges before the construction of oil infrastructure. Stakeholders must work hard to create the conditions that are needed to avoid the resource curse; otherwise, Uganda could end up suffering from the Dutch Disease and Nigerian Disease, as has befallen other African countries.

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 640-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renard Sexton

Natural resource extraction is economically important in many developing countries, but social conflict can threaten the viability of the sector. This article examines why polluting extractive industries sometimes generate social mobilization but often do not. First, I distinguish acute, highly visible environmental externalities from chronic, less observable pollution, showing that only the former generate social mobilization. Second, I explore how high-quality local governance can mitigate the local resource curse dynamic by both reducing pollution and improving compensation in mining-intensive areas. The analysis uses microlevel data on extractive commodities, water pollution, children’s and livestock health, local government quality, and mining-related social conflict in Peru to demonstrate the full causal pathway of the local resource curse.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shuaib Lwasa

Africa’s urbanization rate has increased steadily over the past three decades and is reported to be faster than in any other region in the world . It is estimated that by 2030, over half of the African population will be living in urban areas . But the nature of Africa’s urbanization and subsequent form of cities is yet to be critically analyzed in the context of city authorities’ readiness to address the challenges . Evidence is also suggesting that urbanization in African countries is increasingly associated with the high economic growth that has been observed in the last two decades . Both underlying and proximate drivers are responsible for the urbanization, and these include population dynamics, economic growth, legislative designation, increasing densities in rural centers, as well as the growth of mega cities such as Lagos, Cairo and Kinshasa, that are extending to form urban corridors . With the opportunities of urbanization in Sub–Saharan Africa, there are also challenges in the development and management of these cities . Those challenges include provision of social services, sustainable economic development, housing development, urban governance, spatial development guidance and environmental management, climate change adaptation, mitigation and disaster risk reduction . The challenge involves dealing with the development and infrastructure deficit, in addition to required adaption to and mitigation of climate change . This paper examines the current state of urban management in Africa .


Author(s):  
Jonathon W. Moses ◽  
Bjørn Letnes

There is broad recognition that Norway manages its natural resources successfully. Policymakers are flocking to Norway to try to learn the lessons provided by the Norwegian model. This book describes the main challenges facing policymakers in resource-rich states (e.g., Dutch Disease, Resource Curse, Paradox of Plenty), and the sort of institutional solutions and policies that are available to them. We explain why the Norwegian authorities chose the solutions they did, and how these choices have changed over the years, in response to changing market and political conditions. The result is a book that offers insight and understanding as to why the country made the choices it did, rather than providing a specific model for export.


Author(s):  
Sergiy Kandiba ◽  
Natalia Safonik

The article analyses the main sources of financial provision for the social protection of persons with disabilities in Ukraine, including their own resources, budget resources at all levels and resources of enterprises of all forms of ownership; social trust funds, funds of charitable and social organizations and other sources. It is justified that socially oriented objects of expenditure are growing and account for a significant share in the structure of expenditure of the state budget. An analysis of the expenditure of local budgets on the social protection of persons with disabilities showed that expenditure in this area has been increasing since 2015, owing to the reform of decentralization. An evaluation of the activities of civil society organizations of persons with disabilities showed a decrease in the number of persons with disabilities who are employed and in the proportion of expenditures allocated to the social needs of persons with disabilities. Measures to improve the social protection and welfare of persons with disabilities in Ukraine are also financed from social welfare funds. Analysis of the provision of medical and social services by the Social Insurance Fund of Ukraine shows an increase in the number of persons with disabilities as a result of an industrial accident and an increase in the cost of medical and social services. It has been established that financial provision for the social protection of persons with disabilities from charitable organizations is provided in most cases in the form of targeted charitable assistance. The structure of the recipients of charitable assistance by category showed that the proportion of people with special needs among the recipients of charitable assistance was about 10 per cent. On the basis of the study, a number of problems affecting the well-being of persons with disabilities have been identified. Priorities have been set for the development of financial provision for the social protection of persons with disabilities. These include improving the targeting of social assistance, development of locally funded social protection programs, enhancing the social and labour integration of persons with disabilities, gender mainstreaming in the financial provision of social protection for persons with disabilities.


The Somali militant Islamist and proto-state insurgent organization known as “Al-Shabaab” (Harakat Al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen in Arabic and Xarakada Mujaahidiinta Al Shabaab in Somali) is a group with multiple layers of identity. Ranging from the local and national to the regional and transnational, it is a group whose multifaceted self-perception and public portrayals have been some of its greatest sources of endurance since its emergence in 2006. On the one hand, Al-Shabaab’s ideology, goals, and membership are grounded in the domestic Somali context, though it has been able to localize and establish networks of sympathizers and recruits in neighboring East African states, including in Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Uganda. On the other hand, Al-Shabaab is also the official East African affiliate of the transnational militant Islamist group al-Qaeda. Al-Shabaab first emerged publicly in 2006 as the most radical faction within the military wing of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). The ICU succeeded in forming a coalition that led to the establishment of an environment of both relative law and order as well as economic stabilization. When, in 2006, the Ethiopian military invaded Somalia and occupied parts of the country to prop up the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the ICU collapsed. Al-Shabaab emerged as an independent group spearheading a growing insurgency against Ethiopian military forces and, later, African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) peacekeepers. Beginning in 2008, as Al-Shabaab started to rapidly capture territory, it pursued the establishment of civil-governing mechanisms in areas it controlled. These mechanisms and institutions included a judiciary, police force (the Jaysh al-Hisba), a military wing (the Jaysh al-Usra), and offices of taxation, political affairs and clan relations, education, religious affairs and missionary propagation (daʿwa), health services, agriculture, and social services and charity programs, including a drought and humanitarian relief committee. Alongside its domestically rooted identity, Al-Shabaab also has a transnational, globalist aspect to its organizational identity and is an official affiliate of al-Qaeda, with its leadership having pledged allegiance to the group publicly in February 2012, an oath accepted by al-Qaeda chief Ayman al-Zawahiri. As of 2021—and despite national, bilateral, and multilateral efforts to combat it—Al-Shabaab continues to operate as both an insurgency and a proto-state power, controlling and governing wide swathes of land within the southern, central, and western parts of the country. This article seeks to provide an overview of the best literature available on the history, evolution, activities, and multifaceted identity of Al-Shabaab as an organization with local/domestic Somali, regional East African, and transnational/globalist markers. While existing literature on the group is heavily focused on security issues, more-recent studies have also begun to pay more attention to other aspects of the group, including its proto-state governance and engagement with domestic Somali and local dynamics in other East African countries.


Author(s):  
Ian Taylor

A great number of post-colonial African countries, bounded by formal frontiers and with an international presence at various international institutions such as the United Nations, function quite differently from conventional understandings of what a formal state is and should do. ‘The primacy of patronage politics’ explains that to understand African politics, the concept of neo-patrimonialism must be considered. Neo-patrimonialism is where patronage, clientelism, and rent-seeking exist, but where the structures of a modern state are also in place. In general, post-colonial African leaders have relied on coercive control and patronage through capturing power over the state, rather than through constructing a functioning impartial administration.


Author(s):  
Shaibu Bala Garba

Many African countries are witnessing an increase in social conflicts with negative impacts on their development. Most conflicts are urban centered, with causes rooted in social, economic and political issues and fatalities, property destruction and displacement as outcomes. This chapter asserts that issues of growth and governance are at the heart of conflict, with growth challenging the ability of most governments to deliver services. The chapter undertakes a broad examination of social conflict in the African context with focus on understanding their cause and effects and the role that population growth, urbanization and governance play in country conflict situation. The chapter examined conflict in three countries; Algeria, Kenya and Nigeria, from a macro and micro level, along with the role that population growth, urbanization and governance play. The chapter concludes with findings and recommendations on ways to mitigate conflicts.


Author(s):  
John F. McCauley

Charismatic Pentecostalism constitutes perhaps the most important contemporary movement in sub-Saharan Africa, combining extremely rapid growth with an informal political presence. The movement has expanded in Africa by bringing traditional spirituality into a modern setting, offering social and economic hope to both the upwardly mobile and the destitute. Despite having minority status, its messages of pending prosperity and spiritual warfare, and its astute exploitation of mass media, have positioned the Charismatic Pentecostal movement to exert important if informal influence on politics in the region. It is reshaping the channels through which resources flow from Big Men to their followers; it is implicating new and different international actors; and it is allowing followers to live fully within the church through the provision of social services. Perhaps most importantly, the movement has introduced language of national identity—of good and evil, and Christian nations—that captivates just as it divides. Its potential to influence the formal politics of institutions and parties is limited by the absence of organizational hierarchy and a central focus on remaking the individual rather than addressing social injustices. Nevertheless, by informal means, the movement has “Pentecostalized” politics in many African countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 237802311882480
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Joslyn

The issue of bribery raises questions about the implications of institutional development and trust in the raw material industry. This paper uses theories of institutionalism and trust to explore path dependence arguments seeking to explain the resource curse puzzle. Institutional development and trust are examined as potential mediators linking mineral extraction/processing to bribery in sub-Saharan African countries. The model suggests potential factors linking raw material industries to institutional development and institutional development to the degradation of interpersonal and generalized trust. The proposed model is tested with data on a sample of sub-Saharan African countries using multilevel logistic regression with promising results.


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