Interventions and repression following civil conflict

2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110108
Author(s):  
Naji Bsisu ◽  
Amanda Murdie

Civil conflicts inevitably have negative consequences with regards to respect for human rights within affected states. Unfortunately, the violation of human rights often does not end with the conflict. What factors explain variation in state repression in post-civil conflict societies? Can international interventions, both civilian and military, improve human rights in states with a history of conflict? Does the size of the intervention matter? We argue that international interventions, including peacekeeping missions and officially directed foreign aid, can reduce physical integrity abuses. This process occurs by simultaneously increasing protections for civilians while also raising the costs of repression to both government leaders and their agents. Human rights abuses will also decrease when there are legal remedies available to vulnerable populations which are bolstered by a strong judicial system. A robust civil society can also discourage human rights abuses by shedding light on these events and providing human rights education. In line with our theoretical argument, we focus on UN peacekeeping missions, especially those with human rights teams, and officially directed foreign aid for legal and security sector reform and NGOs. Using both a treatment effects approach and a continuous dose–response model, we find much support for the implications of our argument.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracy Vunderink

Examines the situation of forced migration in Colombia by identifying how profound inequalities, a lack of governmental authority, and a crisis in national identity have contributed to the emergence of armed irregular groups and the perpetuation of the civil conflict. The Colombian conflict which has last[ed] for more than forty years has perpetuated extreme criminal violence, grave human rights abuses and massive levels of population displacement. Determinants or push factors involved in Colombian internal displacement and asylum seeking are analyzed to draw similarities between these two experiences to further question the distinctions maintained between them in international law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 626-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisella Rodriguez ◽  
Brandon J Kinne

AbstractUnited Nations peacekeeping soldiers commit atrocities while deployed despite their mandate to protect civilians from harm. Yet, there is tremendous variation across missions in reported human rights abuses. Why are some missions more susceptible to misconduct than others? To answer this puzzle, we identify three broad sources of influence on peacekeeper behavior: institutions, society, and military culture. Using newly collected data, we find that host-country and contributing-country institutions, particularly press freedoms and rule of law, dramatically decrease violations. Compliance with international humanitarian law also decreases violations, though to a lesser degree than institutions. Societal influences, such as gender norms and income inequality, have virtually no impact on abuses. We illustrate the utility of these findings by generating out-of-sample predictions for hypothetical peacekeeping missions in countries with recent political turmoil.


Author(s):  
Horace A. Bartilow

To test the theoretical components of the argument presented in chapter 5, this chapter develops an empirical model of how U.S. transnational corporations and paramilitary death squads mediate the U.S.-sponsored drug war’s effect on human rights repression in Latin America. In outlining this empirical model, this chapter is organized as follows: It first juxtapose the theoretical arguments of dependency and neoclassical liberal theories regarding the human rights effects of transnational capital by highlighting the theoretical and empirical limitations of neoclassical liberal claims. This is followed by a discussion of the empirical model, which draws on the extant human rights literature to identify important control variables that are important predictors of state repression. It then discusses important theoretical modifications that are incorporated into the overall empirical model. This is followed by a discussion of the limitations of the indicators used to measure the model’s mediating variables. structural equation modeling is used to analyze cross-national data for thirty-one countries from the Latin American region covering the period 1980 to 2012. All the components of the theoretical argument found strong statistical support.


Author(s):  
Lisa Hultman ◽  
Jacob D. Kathman ◽  
Megan Shannon

This chapter summarizes the book, highlighting the importance of a holistic assessment of UN peacekeeping’s effect on conflict dynamics. It discusses many of the potential detriments and weaknesses of peacekeeping. Though the book identifies a normatively positive relationship between increasingly large peacekeeping missions and the reduction of civil war violence, UN peacekeeping is not unconditionally valuable. Substantial missions also come with negative consequences discussed in this chapter. However, these same issues are exacerbated by enduring civil war violence. The positive influence of large peacekeeping deployments then becomes even more valuable, as reduced violence is likely to have positive downstream consequences in these same areas. Relying on additional existing research, the chapter presents informal analyses to provide a fuller picture of the violence reduction associated with UN peacekeeping. The chapter concludes by revisiting the complexity of civil conflict, the challenges of peacekeeping, and the potential for reduced violence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Murdie

This article evaluates the effects certain interventions, namely various types of third party peacekeeping missions, have had on the future human rights practices of countries experiencing civil conflict. I argue that peacekeeping with (a) an un mandate or (b) a strong civilian or humanitarian focus are the only types of missions that should cause gains in human rights performance; these missions are aligned with R2P goals. Using a cross-national sample of countries experiencing civil conflict from 1960 to 2013, I find much evidence that R2P-aligned peacekeeping missions can be a positive force for future human rights performance within countries that have experienced civil conflict, even after we account for the factors that led to the mission in the first place. Advocacy efforts in support of R2P must be careful to call for only interventions with un support and/or clear humanitarian objectives.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan J. Kuperman

NATO's 2011 humanitarian military intervention in Libya has been hailed as a model for implementing the emerging norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P), on grounds that it prevented an impending bloodbath in Benghazi and facilitated the ouster of Libya's oppressive ruler, Muammar al-Qaddafi, who had targeted peaceful civilian protesters. Before the international community embraces such conclusions, however, a more rigorous assessment of the net humanitarian impact of NATO intervention in Libya is warranted. The conventional narrative is flawed in its portrayal of both the nature of the violence in Libya prior to the intervention and NATO's eventual objective of regime change. An examination of the course of violence in Libya before and after NATO's action shows that the intervention backfired. The intervention extended the war's duration about sixfold; increased its death toll approximately seven to ten times; and exacerbated human rights abuses, humanitarian suffering, Islamic radicalism, and weapons proliferation in Libya and its neighbors. If it is a “model intervention,” as senior NATO officials claim, it is a model of failure. Implementation of R2P must be reformed to address these unintended negative consequences and the dynamics underlying them. Only then will R2P be able to achieve its noble objectives.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracy Vunderink

Examines the situation of forced migration in Colombia by identifying how profound inequalities, a lack of governmental authority, and a crisis in national identity have contributed to the emergence of armed irregular groups and the perpetuation of the civil conflict. The Colombian conflict which has last[ed] for more than forty years has perpetuated extreme criminal violence, grave human rights abuses and massive levels of population displacement. Determinants or push factors involved in Colombian internal displacement and asylum seeking are analyzed to draw similarities between these two experiences to further question the distinctions maintained between them in international law.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7

This section comprises JPS summaries and links to international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials from the quarter spanning 16 May-15 November 2017. Fifty years of Israeli occupation was the focus of reports by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and Oxfam that documented the ongoing human rights abuses in the occupied Palestinian territories. Other notable documents include Israeli NGO Gisha and UNSCO reports on the ten-year Gaza siege, Al Jazeera's interactive timeline of the Nakba, and an exchange of letters between the ACLU and U.S. senators on anti-BDS legislation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 180-188
Author(s):  
Bianca Nicla Romano

Art. 24 of the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights recognises and protects the right of the individual to rest and leisure. This right has to be fully exercised without negative consequences on the right to work and the remuneration. Tourism can be considered one of the best ways of rest and leisure because it allows to enrich the personality of the individual. Even after the reform of the Title V this area is no longer covered by the Italian Constitution, the Italian legal system protects and guarantees it as a real right, so as to get to recognize its existence and the consequent compensation of the so-called “ruined holiday damage”. This kind of damage has not a patrimonial nature, but a moral one, and the Tourist-Traveler can claim for it when he has not been able to fully enjoy his holiday - the essential fulcrum of tourism - intended as an opportunity for leisure and/or rest, essential rights of the individual.


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