Labour Candidates for the New Zealand House of Representatives 1890-1916. Part 2: 1896-1902

1955 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-137
Author(s):  
Norman D. Stevens
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olja Baker

Abstract The main aim of the present paper is to compare the realization patterns of directive speech acts produced by the Speaker of the House of Representatives of New Zealand and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper focuses on head acts only, disregarding modification. Head acts are analyzed and compared in terms of their explicitness and implicitness, as defined in the framework proposed by Vine (2004a, 2004b). Overall results show that explicit head acts were dominant in both data sets. Furthermore, significant differences were noticed in terms of the findings for certain sub-forms of the explicit head acts, such as the imperative form, which is more frequent in parliamentary directives in Serbian, as are performative verbs. Modal verbs were typical of the parliamentary directives in English. The results are discussed in the context of the findings of previous relevant studies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth McLeay ◽  
Claudia Geigringer ◽  
Polly Higbee

The day after the opening of the new Parliament in December 2008, the National Party minister and Leader of the House, Gerry Brownlee, moved a motion to accord urgency to certain aspects of business. This was passed by 63 votes to 52, with the Māori Party abstaining. It was resolved ‘that urgency be accorded the introduction and passing of Government bills dealing with taxation, employment relations, bail, education and sentencing’, and some other aspects of House business (New Zealand House of Representatives (NZHR), 2008). Although National had insufficient votes to govern on its own (58 in the 122-seat House) it knew that the House would approve the urgency motion because National had the support of three other parties, the Māori Party (five), the ACT party (five) and United Future (one), giving the government a secure majority so long as either ACT or the Māori Party voted for its bills and procedural motions. The above bills were not referred to select committees for public submissions and scrutiny. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
John Halligan

<p>Few legislatures in the world can claim a continuous existence as long as that of the New Zealand House of Representatives. The basic forms and procedures inherited from the House of Commons in the middle of last centure have persisted until the present. Formal changes to the rules have occurred intermittently during its history although the content of its work has altered. Because of the centrality of the House to the parliamentary system of government and its adaptability to the needs of successive generations of politicians, it has continued to play an important role in the political system.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Guy Finny

<p>The second half the 19th century witnessed one of the most complex and destructive chapters in New Zealand legal history. The Native Land Court, Land Laws and Crown purchase and confiscation policies combined to create confusion, uncertainty and grievance in Maori land ownership and transactions. In response, thousands of Maori, and some Europeans, petitioned Parliament. Around two thousand of these Maori land related petitions were referred to the Native Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, many of which involved complex disputes and legal issues in relation to Maori land. In several respects, the petitioners were treating this Committee as a de-facto ’Maori Land Appellate Court’. However, the Committee was no such court. Instead, this paper argues the Committee was effectively operating as a ‘Maori Land Ombudsman’. Using petitions, Maori and Europeans would put their grievances and law reform suggestions before the Committee. In turn, the Committee would usually investigate and make recommendations for action. Although the Committee was ultimately unable to resolve many of the alleged grievances put before it, in a system where Maori had little political power, it fulfilled an important constitutional role as a check on judicial and government power in relation to Maori land interests.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Guy Finny

<p>The second half the 19th century witnessed one of the most complex and destructive chapters in New Zealand legal history. The Native Land Court, Land Laws and Crown purchase and confiscation policies combined to create confusion, uncertainty and grievance in Maori land ownership and transactions. In response, thousands of Maori, and some Europeans, petitioned Parliament. Around two thousand of these Maori land related petitions were referred to the Native Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, many of which involved complex disputes and legal issues in relation to Maori land. In several respects, the petitioners were treating this Committee as a de-facto ’Maori Land Appellate Court’. However, the Committee was no such court. Instead, this paper argues the Committee was effectively operating as a ‘Maori Land Ombudsman’. Using petitions, Maori and Europeans would put their grievances and law reform suggestions before the Committee. In turn, the Committee would usually investigate and make recommendations for action. Although the Committee was ultimately unable to resolve many of the alleged grievances put before it, in a system where Maori had little political power, it fulfilled an important constitutional role as a check on judicial and government power in relation to Maori land interests.</p>


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