government power
Recently Published Documents


TOTAL DOCUMENTS

220
(FIVE YEARS 73)

H-INDEX

10
(FIVE YEARS 3)

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-255
Author(s):  
Li Wenqi ◽  
Li Zhang

Traditional sociological theory explains that a rural community is an enclosed unit. China’s fast modernization and urbanization, however, display a rather different phenomenon, where rural communities are changing into open communities, which face the dual task of rebuilding internal relations and expanding external resources. Based on this background and practical cognition, the theoretical framework of the ‘new rural communitas’ is proposed, which expands the common enclosed relationships in traditional rural communities into new, open co-construction relationships with endogenous power as core, government power as support, and social power as coordination, emphasizing the full cooperation of these three types of power. On the basis of the theory, this article employs the practice of the rural regeneration policy in Taiwan as an empirical case, and analyzes how these three types of power affect and cooperate with each other. Furthermore, interviews have been conducted with local community members, government officers, and social participants in three communities in Taiwan to give examples of three different types of new rural communitas. Finally, several suggestions toward constructing new rural communitas are discussed.   Abstrak. Teori tradisional dalam sosiologi menjelaskan bahwa komunitas perdesaan adalah unit yang tertutup. Modernisasi dan urbanisasi cepat yang terjadi di China menampilkan fenomena yang sedikit berbeda, dimana komunitas perdesaan berubah menjadi komunitas yang terbuka yang menghadapi tugas ganda membangun kembali hubungan internal dan memperluas sumber daya eksternal. Berdasarkan latar belakang dan kognisi praktis ini, kerangka teoritis ‘komunitas perdesaan baru’ diusulkan, sehingga dapat memperluas hubungan tertutup bersama dalam komunitas perdesaan tradisional menjadi hubungan ko-kontruksi baru yang terbuka dengan kekuatan endogen sebagai inti, kekuatan pemerintah sebagai pendukung, dan kekuasaan social sebagai koordinasi serta menekankan kerjasama penuh dari ketiga jenis kekuasaan tersebut. Berdasarkan teori tersebut, artikel ini menggunakan praktik kebijakan regenerasi perdesaan di Taiwan sebagai kasus empiris, dan menganalisis bagaimana ketiga jenis kekuasaan ini saling mempengaruhi dan bekerja sama. Selanjutnya, wawancara telah dilakukan dengan anggota masyarakat setempat, pejabat pemerintah, dan peserta sosial di tiga komunitas di Taiwan untuk memberikan contoh tiga jenis komunitas perdesaan baru yang berbeda. Akhirnya, beberapa  saran untuk membangun komunitas perdesaan baru juga dibahas.   Kata kunci. Komunitas perdesaan, komunitas, regenerasi perdesaan, Cina, Taiwan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Matteo La Torre ◽  
Patrizia Di Tullio ◽  
Paola Tamburro ◽  
Maurizio Massaro ◽  
Michele Antonio Rea

PurposeThe Italian government addressed the first wave of its COVID-19 outbreak with a series of social restrictions and calculative practices, all branded with the slogan #istayathome. The hashtag quickly went viral, becoming both a mandate and a mantra and, as the crisis played out, we witnessed the rise of the Italian social movement #istayathome. This study examines how the government's calculative practices led to #istayathome and the constituents that shaped this social movement.Design/methodology/approachThe authors embrace social movement theory and the collective identity perspective to examine #istayathome as a collective action and social movement. Using passive netnography, text mining and interpretative text analysis enhanced by machine learning, the authors analysed just over 350,000 tweets made during the period March to May 2020, each brandishing the hashtag #istayathome.FindingsThe #istayathome movement gained traction as a response to the Italian government's call for collective action. Thus, people became an active part of mobilising collective responsibility, enhancing the government's plans. A collective identity on the part of the Italian people sustained the mass mobilisation, driven by cohesion, solidarity and a deep cultural trauma from COVID-19's dramatic effects. Popular culture and Italy's long traditions also helped to form the collective identity of #istayathome. This study found that calculative practices acted as a persuasive technology in forming this collective identity and mobilising people's collective action. Numbers stimulated the cognitive, moral and emotional connections of the social ties shaping collective identity and responsibility. Thus, through collective identity, calculative practices indirectly influenced mass social behaviors and the social movement.Originality/valueThis study offers a novel theoretical perspective and empirical knowledge to explain how government power affects people's culture and everyday life. It unveils the sociological drivers that mobilise collective behaviors and enriches the accounting literature on the effects of calculative practices in managing emergencies. The study contributes to theory by providing an understanding of how calculative practices can influence collective behaviors and can be used to construct informal networks that go beyond the government's traditional formalities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Guy Finny

<p>The second half the 19th century witnessed one of the most complex and destructive chapters in New Zealand legal history. The Native Land Court, Land Laws and Crown purchase and confiscation policies combined to create confusion, uncertainty and grievance in Maori land ownership and transactions. In response, thousands of Maori, and some Europeans, petitioned Parliament. Around two thousand of these Maori land related petitions were referred to the Native Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, many of which involved complex disputes and legal issues in relation to Maori land. In several respects, the petitioners were treating this Committee as a de-facto ’Maori Land Appellate Court’. However, the Committee was no such court. Instead, this paper argues the Committee was effectively operating as a ‘Maori Land Ombudsman’. Using petitions, Maori and Europeans would put their grievances and law reform suggestions before the Committee. In turn, the Committee would usually investigate and make recommendations for action. Although the Committee was ultimately unable to resolve many of the alleged grievances put before it, in a system where Maori had little political power, it fulfilled an important constitutional role as a check on judicial and government power in relation to Maori land interests.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Guy Finny

<p>The second half the 19th century witnessed one of the most complex and destructive chapters in New Zealand legal history. The Native Land Court, Land Laws and Crown purchase and confiscation policies combined to create confusion, uncertainty and grievance in Maori land ownership and transactions. In response, thousands of Maori, and some Europeans, petitioned Parliament. Around two thousand of these Maori land related petitions were referred to the Native Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, many of which involved complex disputes and legal issues in relation to Maori land. In several respects, the petitioners were treating this Committee as a de-facto ’Maori Land Appellate Court’. However, the Committee was no such court. Instead, this paper argues the Committee was effectively operating as a ‘Maori Land Ombudsman’. Using petitions, Maori and Europeans would put their grievances and law reform suggestions before the Committee. In turn, the Committee would usually investigate and make recommendations for action. Although the Committee was ultimately unable to resolve many of the alleged grievances put before it, in a system where Maori had little political power, it fulfilled an important constitutional role as a check on judicial and government power in relation to Maori land interests.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 255
Author(s):  
Putu Eva Ditayani Antari

This research focuses on the phenomenon of the large number of state commissions in Indonesia, especially in the post-reform era. The purpose of this study is to describe the classification of state commissions in Indonesia. Furthermore, through the idea of simplifying the state commission, it will be able to overcome the problems that often occur due to the large number of state commissions. Through doctrinal legal research using a conceptual and comparative approach, it is known that state commissions are formed as a form of democracy, where there are independent institutions with the main task of supervising the three axes of state power (trias politica), especially in the sphere of government power. This state commission has a legal basis for the formation of various institutions through laws, government regulations, or presidential regulations so that not all state commissions have an equal position in the state administration. Furthermore, the incidental and responsive nature of the formation of state commissions often results in overlapping powers of state commissions. In order to resolve this, the idea is to make simplifications for the current State commission. The act of simplification is carried out by only maintaining a few State commissions that are capable of supporting the spirit of democracy in the State. Meanwhile, other commissions were merged into institutions of other countries. Furthermore, it is given legitimacy based on law to the State commission, so that it is not difficult to determine its position in the Indonesian constitutional system  


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (9) ◽  
pp. e0256136
Author(s):  
Lisa J. Hardy ◽  
Adi Mana ◽  
Leah Mundell ◽  
Moran Neuman ◽  
Sharón Benheim ◽  
...  

Background Political ideologies drove public actions and health behaviors in the first year of the global pandemic. Different ideas about contagion, health behaviors, and the actions of governing bodies impacted the spread of the virus and health and life. Researchers used an immediate, mixed methods design to explore sociocultural responses to the virus and identified differences and similarities in anxiety, fear, blame, and perceptions of nation across political divides. Methods Researchers conducted 60 in-depth, semi-structured interviews and administered over 1,000 questionnaires with people living in the United States. The team analyzed data through an exploratory and confirmatory sequential mixed methods design. Results In the first months of the pandemic interviewees cited economic inequality, untrustworthy corporations and other entities, and the federal government as threats to life and pandemic control. Participants invoked ideas about others to determine blame. Findings reveal heavy associations between lack of safety during a public health crisis and blame of “culture” and government power across the political spectrum. Conclusion Data indicate anxiety across political differences related to ideas of contagion and the maleficence of a powerful elite. Findings on how people understand the nation, politics, and pandemic management contribute to understanding dimensions of health behaviors and underlying connections between anxiety and the uptake of conspiracy theories in public health. The article ends with recommendations drawn from project findings for future pandemic response.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
Cezarina Maurício ◽  
Liliete Matias

Since the Carnation Revolution in April of 1974, and the consequent approval of the Portuguese Republic Constitution (1976), the country’s legislative trend has been geared towards the expansion of local government power, in Portugal. This issue has acquired new relevance recently, with the new reconfiguration of the political decentralization process, through Law No. 50/2018, of 16th August. This is a gradual process, still ongoing, and delayed by the current pandemic situation. Local authorities play a decisive role in the country's development, both in the present and in the past. Initially focused on creating essential and basic infrastructures for the people, now includes other concerns, such as social protection. The definition and implementation of social policies, targeted to different populations, has become an essential axis of action, in a country marked by territorial disparities and an aging population. This study aims to understand the role of local administration in the characterization of social policies targeted at senior populations. The present work is a study of qualitative and explorative nature. Using documentary research and content analysis, we identified and characterized the measures aimed at the senior population implemented by two municipalities (Gouveia and Ourém). The analysis of the results allows us to conclude that the municipalities implemented measures that target the elderly population directly. Seniors also benefit from other measures, applicable to other age groups. It is important that the discussion focuses on these measures and the achievement of their goals. Measures to protect the elderly population are urgent, especially in a southern European country like Portugal, that has an ageing population, with a considerable increase in people aged 65 and over.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro R. Marcon ◽  
Darren N. Wagner ◽  
Christen Rachul ◽  
Matthew J. Weiss

Background: The Canadian province of Nova Scotia recently became the first jurisdiction in North America to pass deemed consent organ donation legislation. This change in legislation generated substantial online discussion, which we analyzed to provide insights on public perception. Methods: We performed directed content analysis on 2663 user-generated comments appearing on two widely-shared Canadian Broadcasting Company (CBC) articles published online in April 2019. We determined levels of support and opposition in comments and described the specific rhetoric used for doing so. We also performed one-way ANOVA and Pearson chi-square tests to determine how the comments were being received and engaged by other users. Results: A range of commentary was present in both support and opposition to the changes in legislation. There were more negative than positive comments, and negative commentary generated more replies. Positive comments were received more positively by other users, while negative comments were received more negatively. The total sum of negative comments was greatly influenced by a small number of very active participants. Negative commentary focused more on broad concepts and principles related to government, power, and individual rights rather than specific issues in the Nova Scotian context. Substantial issues of trust in the government and healthcare system were evident. Conclusions: There were strong positive and negative sentiments expressed in the comments, but the total sum of negativity in the comments was significantly influenced by a small number of commentators. Analysis on the presumed consent concerns can be helpful to inform public outreach efforts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. p25
Author(s):  
Pan Ziyang ◽  
Liang Shan

John Locke was a famous political philosopher in the 17th century. The theory of limited government proposed by Locke in the Second Treatise of Government has delivered a profound impact on the modern politics. Based on the theoretical foundation of liberalism, Locke argues that, for the purpose of defending the right to private property, only when the majority agree can we establish a government after signing the social contract and shifting from the state of nature to the political society. By analyzing the limitations of the source, affiliation and range of government power, this paper demonstrates the limitations of the limited government as the rule of law and the separation of powers on the inside, and the collapse of government and people’s revolution on the outside. In the process of modernizing the national governance system and governance capacity, it is necessary for developing countries to be fully confident in their political systems and absorb what is best from Locke’s theory so as to build a modern service-oriented government.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document