scholarly journals The users of unparliamentary language in the New Zealand House of Representatives 1890 to 1950: A community of practice perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 149 ◽  
pp. 14-24
Author(s):  
Ruth Graham
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Graham

<p>This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori.   Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’. The database design enabled the identification of sub-groups of members of parliament, the ‘principal users’ and ‘frequent targets’ of unparliamentary language. The analysis of the forms of rebuke made by the Speakers of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives, for using unparliamentary language, showed they changed over time.   In the early years of the period examined by the study, the use of unparliamentary language was relatively small with the numbers dramatically increasing after 1930. It is argued that increases in the use of unparliamentary language reflected ‘discontinuities’ in the Community of Practice. This was illustrated in the years 1928 to 1935 with high numbers of unparliamentary language directed at the incumbent coalition government by Labour Party members. The ‘principal users’ of unparliamentary language made full use of the ‘shared repertoire’, both parliamentary and unparliamentary language, as part of their ‘identity’. Following Wenger’s definition of ‘power’, as the duality of ‘negotiation’ and ‘identity’, the findings suggest that ‘non-participation’ in the institutional preference for parliamentary language was a form of ‘power’ within the Community of Practice.  This study shows unparliamentary language to be a little researched element of parliamentary discourse that reveals much about individual users and the dynamics of the legislative chamber. The trends in its use have mirrored some of the most important political events in New Zealand’s history. While the use of unparliamentary language is popularly considered ‘bad’ behaviour this study casts new light on its role when seen within the wider discourse and historical context.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ruth Graham

<p>This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori.   Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’. The database design enabled the identification of sub-groups of members of parliament, the ‘principal users’ and ‘frequent targets’ of unparliamentary language. The analysis of the forms of rebuke made by the Speakers of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives, for using unparliamentary language, showed they changed over time.   In the early years of the period examined by the study, the use of unparliamentary language was relatively small with the numbers dramatically increasing after 1930. It is argued that increases in the use of unparliamentary language reflected ‘discontinuities’ in the Community of Practice. This was illustrated in the years 1928 to 1935 with high numbers of unparliamentary language directed at the incumbent coalition government by Labour Party members. The ‘principal users’ of unparliamentary language made full use of the ‘shared repertoire’, both parliamentary and unparliamentary language, as part of their ‘identity’. Following Wenger’s definition of ‘power’, as the duality of ‘negotiation’ and ‘identity’, the findings suggest that ‘non-participation’ in the institutional preference for parliamentary language was a form of ‘power’ within the Community of Practice.  This study shows unparliamentary language to be a little researched element of parliamentary discourse that reveals much about individual users and the dynamics of the legislative chamber. The trends in its use have mirrored some of the most important political events in New Zealand’s history. While the use of unparliamentary language is popularly considered ‘bad’ behaviour this study casts new light on its role when seen within the wider discourse and historical context.</p>


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olja Baker

Abstract The main aim of the present paper is to compare the realization patterns of directive speech acts produced by the Speaker of the House of Representatives of New Zealand and the Speaker of the House of Representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper focuses on head acts only, disregarding modification. Head acts are analyzed and compared in terms of their explicitness and implicitness, as defined in the framework proposed by Vine (2004a, 2004b). Overall results show that explicit head acts were dominant in both data sets. Furthermore, significant differences were noticed in terms of the findings for certain sub-forms of the explicit head acts, such as the imperative form, which is more frequent in parliamentary directives in Serbian, as are performative verbs. Modal verbs were typical of the parliamentary directives in English. The results are discussed in the context of the findings of previous relevant studies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth McLeay ◽  
Claudia Geigringer ◽  
Polly Higbee

The day after the opening of the new Parliament in December 2008, the National Party minister and Leader of the House, Gerry Brownlee, moved a motion to accord urgency to certain aspects of business. This was passed by 63 votes to 52, with the Māori Party abstaining. It was resolved ‘that urgency be accorded the introduction and passing of Government bills dealing with taxation, employment relations, bail, education and sentencing’, and some other aspects of House business (New Zealand House of Representatives (NZHR), 2008). Although National had insufficient votes to govern on its own (58 in the 122-seat House) it knew that the House would approve the urgency motion because National had the support of three other parties, the Māori Party (five), the ACT party (five) and United Future (one), giving the government a secure majority so long as either ACT or the Māori Party voted for its bills and procedural motions. The above bills were not referred to select committees for public submissions and scrutiny. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
John Halligan

<p>Few legislatures in the world can claim a continuous existence as long as that of the New Zealand House of Representatives. The basic forms and procedures inherited from the House of Commons in the middle of last centure have persisted until the present. Formal changes to the rules have occurred intermittently during its history although the content of its work has altered. Because of the centrality of the House to the parliamentary system of government and its adaptability to the needs of successive generations of politicians, it has continued to play an important role in the political system.</p>


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