Daily offices

1964 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 182-186

This note is written by three Theological students * , who are for the first time faced with the prospect of saying Offices daily and of reading the Bible according to the official lectionary of their Church (The Church of England). They came to feel very strongly “that the Roman pattern of saying offices apart from the people who go to make up the Church and in a language which they do not understand could not be right”, but, for reasons explained in the Note, they found much the same problems arising in their own Church. It is to them very important that the particular aspects which they discuss in this Note are discussed on a wider basis, because they feel that so much attention has been given to the Eucharist that the Offices have been forgotten. For this situation to continue would, to them, seem a tragedy. Reactions to this Note will therefore be welcome.

1953 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-102
Author(s):  
K. E. Bugge

Addresses Read by Grundtvig at Diocesan Meatings.By K. E. Bugge.The years from 1813 to 1820 were deseribed by Grundtvig as "seven Iean years", and not without reason. At that time he was regarded by his scholarly colleagues as a fanatical visionary, and among his fellow-clergy he also stood alone. An essential cause of this was the bold and provocative attitude adopted by him at the supplementary dioecesan meetings. The institution of dioecesan meetings was introduced into Denmark in 1618, and from then onwards the meetings were held twice yearly, and in later times only once yearly. Here the Bishop gatbered together the deans of the diocese to discuss matters affecting the clergy. In 1809 Bishop Munter had a regulation put into force in accordance with wich all the clergy in the diocese were invited to take part in the so-called "supplementary diocesan meeting" which took place after the regular meeting was finished. The purpose of this gathering was to hear papers read on theological subjects. Grundtvig took part in these supplementary diocesan meetings during the period when he was curate for his father, Pastor Johan Grundtvig, at Udby (1811-13) , and again a couple of times in 1814. He read a paper on each occasion. The first time was in October, 1811, when he read a paper "On Scolarship among the Clergy". The original paper , the manuscript of which has been preserved , has not yet been published; it is directed against the excessive worship of reason by the "enlightened" school of theology. Grundtvig himself , however, published a revised version of his address in 1813. - The manuscript of Grundtvigs second paper contributed to a diocesan meeting - in July, 1812 - first came to light in the autumn of 1951. It is a long essay on "Enlightenment". Grundt vig here draws a distinction between three kinds of enlightenment : the inter­ pretation of the word given by the Bible Christianity of his forefathers, Kant's interpretation, and finally, the most widespread type of "enlightenment", which directly breaks down everything connected with Christianity of olden times. Of this last type of enlightenment he declares: "I venture to say that the present age takes pride in its shame ... for its enlightenment consists in the pursiut of earthly things ... To be absorbed in the confusion of the earth or to rove through the empty air, that is what people eaU enlightenment". True enlightenment , on the other hand, is "that which is given from above". Grundtvigs third contribution to a diocesan meeting (in the autumn of 1812) was the wellknown "Roskilde-Riim" which he published in 1814 with many additions and alterations. The main purpose of these verses is to set forth the crushing verdict of history upon the interpretation of Christianity offered by the "enlightened" school of theology. Grundtvig's fourth address read to a diocesan meeting - in July, 1813 - has not yet been published. Accor­ ding to a statement by Grundtvig him self, it dealt with biblical interpretation; and in the Grundtvig arehives there are at least two essays which , in accor­ dance with their subject and external criteria, could be this address. Here Grundtvig attacks the methods of biblical interpretation used by the "en­ lightened " school of theology, which allow human reason to judge whether the sayings of the Bible are worthy of belief or not. In his fifth addre.ss to a diocesan meeting - which, unlike the others, was read at the diocesan meeting at Maribo - Grundtvig describes how we are ju stified in expecting that the Church of Christ, in spite of the present times of tribulation, will renew itself again . This essay was published in "Dansk Kirketidende", 1876, with moder­ nised spelling. In his sixth and last address to a diocesan meeting Grundtvig attacks one of the shibboleths of the Age of Enlightenment: tolerance. The address, which gave so much offence that the Bishop forbade Grundtvig to show himself at the diocesan meetings any more, is printed in the edition of Grundtvigs works by Hal Koch and Georg Christensen.lt is characteristic of Grundtvigs addresses to diocesan meetings that they all had a very definlte obj ect: to contend against the excessive worship of reason by the "enlightened" school of theology, "which", as he says, "like a devouring worm daily eats its way into the heart of the people." This is of fundamental importance for an understandin g of Grundtvig's educational ideas as they were expressed in his writings of the 1830's and later. Here the key­ word is precisely "true enlightenment". In the addresses to the diocesan mee­ tings we have the first violent polemics against "false enlightenment". Both in these addresses and in his later educational writings Grundtvig stresses the point that true enlightenment is the light shed upon our human life by what the Bible - not reason - has to say about the human lot. 


1958 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
K. E. Bugge

Addresses Read by Grundtvig at Diocesan Meatings.By K. E. Bugge.The years from 1813 to 1820 were deseribed by Grundtvig as "seven Iean years", and not without reason. At that time he was regarded by his scholarly colleagues as a fanatical visionary, and among his fellow-clergy he also stood alone. An essential cause of this was the bold and provocative attitude adopted by him at the supplementary dioecesan meetings. The institution of dioecesan meetings was introduced into Denmark in 1618, and from then onwards the meetings were held twice yearly, and in later times only once yearly. Here the Bishop gatbered together the deans of the diocese to discuss matters affecting the clergy. In 1809 Bishop Munter had a regulation put into force in accordance with wich all the clergy in the diocese were invited to take part in the so-called "supplementary diocesan meeting" which took place after the regular meeting was finished. The purpose of this gathering was to hear papers read on theological subjects. Grundtvig took part in these supplementary diocesan meetings during the period when he was curate for his father, Pastor Johan Grundtvig, at Udby (1811-13) , and again a couple of times in 1814. He read a paper on each occasion. The first time was in October, 1811, when he read a paper "On Scolarship among the Clergy". The original paper , the manuscript of which has been preserved , has not yet been published; it is directed against the excessive worship of reason by the "enlightened" school of theology. Grundtvig himself , however, published a revised version of his address in 1813. - The manuscript of Grundtvigs second paper contributed to a diocesan meeting - in July, 1812 - first came to light in the autumn of 1951. It is a long essay on "Enlightenment". Grundt vig here draws a distinction between three kinds of enlightenment : the inter­ pretation of the word given by the Bible Christianity of his forefathers, Kant's interpretation, and finally, the most widespread type of "enlightenment", which directly breaks down everything connected with Christianity of olden times. Of this last type of enlightenment he declares: "I venture to say that the present age takes pride in its shame ... for its enlightenment consists in the pursiut of earthly things ... To be absorbed in the confusion of the earth or to rove through the empty air, that is what people eaU enlightenment". True enlightenment , on the other hand, is "that which is given from above". Grundtvigs third contribution to a diocesan meeting (in the autumn of 1812) was the wellknown "Roskilde-Riim" which he published in 1814 with many additions and alterations. The main purpose of these verses is to set forth the crushing verdict of history upon the interpretation of Christianity offered by the "enlightened" school of theology. Grundtvig's fourth address read to a diocesan meeting - in July, 1813 - has not yet been published. Accor­ ding to a statement by Grundtvig him self, it dealt with biblical interpretation; and in the Grundtvig arehives there are at least two essays which , in accor­ dance with their subject and external criteria, could be this address. Here Grundtvig attacks the methods of biblical interpretation used by the "en­ lightened " school of theology, which allow human reason to judge whether the sayings of the Bible are worthy of belief or not. In his fifth addre.ss to a diocesan meeting - which, unlike the others, was read at the diocesan meeting at Maribo - Grundtvig describes how we are ju stified in expecting that the Church of Christ, in spite of the present times of tribulation, will renew itself again . This essay was published in "Dansk Kirketidende", 1876, with moder­ nised spelling. In his sixth and last address to a diocesan meeting Grundtvig attacks one of the shibboleths of the Age of Enlightenment: tolerance. The address, which gave so much offence that the Bishop forbade Grundtvig to show himself at the diocesan meetings any more, is printed in the edition of Grundtvigs works by Hal Koch and Georg Christensen.lt is characteristic of Grundtvigs addresses to diocesan meetings that they all had a very definlte obj ect: to contend against the excessive worship of reason by the "enlightened" school of theology, "which", as he says, "like a devouring worm daily eats its way into the heart of the people." This is of fundamental importance for an understandin g of Grundtvig's educational ideas as they were expressed in his writings of the 1830's and later. Here the key­ word is precisely "true enlightenment". In the addresses to the diocesan mee­ tings we have the first violent polemics against "false enlightenment". Both in these addresses and in his later educational writings Grundtvig stresses the point that true enlightenment is the light shed upon our human life by what the Bible - not reason - has to say about the human lot. 


Author(s):  
Sam Brewitt-Taylor

Like all transformative revolutions, Britain’s Sixties was an episode of highly influential myth-making. This book delves behind the mythology of inexorable ‘secularization’ to recover, for the first time, the cultural origins of Britain’s moral revolution. In a radical departure from conventional teleologies, it argues that British secularity is a specific cultural invention of the late 1950s and early 1960s, which was introduced most influentially by radical utopian Christians during this most desperate episode of the Cold War. In the 1950s, Britain’s predominantly Christian moral culture had marginalized ‘secular’ moral arguments by arguing that they created societies like the Soviet Union; but the rapid acceptance of ‘secularization’ teleologies in the early 1960s abruptly normalized ‘secular’ attitudes and behaviours, thus prompting the slow social revolution that unfolded during the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. By tracing the evolving thought of radical Anglicans—uniquely positioned in the late 1950s and early 1960s as simultaneously moral radicals and authoritative moral insiders—this book reveals crucial and unexpected intellectual links between radical Christianity and the wider invention of Britain’s new secular morality, in areas as diverse as globalism, anti-authoritarianism, sexual liberation, and revolutionary egalitarianism. From the mid-1960s, British secularity began to be developed by a much wider range of groups, and radical Anglicans faded into the cultural background. Yet by disseminating the deeply ideological metanarrative of ‘secularization’ in the early 1960s, and by influentially discussing its implications, they had made crucial contributions to the nature and existence of Britain’s secular revolution.


1958 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Geoffrey G. Willis

The preface to the Book of Common Prayer, entitled Concerning the Service of the Church since 1662, but before that simply The Preface, was derived substantially from the preface to the revised Breviary of Quiñones, which was one of the sources for the revised daily offices of the Church of England. It appeals from what it considers the corruptions of the medieval office to the ‘godly and decent order of the ancient Fathers’. This order, it says, was devised for the systematic reading of holy scripture in the offices of the Church, and it was the intention of the compilers of the English Prayer Book to restore such a regular order of reading for the instruction of the people. It represented a revolt against three features of the lessons in the medieval breviary: first, against the frequent interruptions of the reading of scripture in course by the occurrence of feasts with proper lessons; secondly, the lack of completeness and continuity in the lessons themselves; and thirdly, the use of non-biblical material in the lessons. Even if the daily office of the breviary, which is based on the ecclesiastical year, were not interrupted by any immoveable feasts having proper lessons, it would still not provide for the reading of the whole of scripture, as its lessons are too short, and also the variable lessons are confined to the night office.


1979 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 415-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Bebbington

The late nineteenth-century city posed problems for English nonconformists. The country was rapidly being urbanised. By 1881 over one third of the people lived in cities with a population of more than one hundred thousand. The most urbanised areas gave rise to the greatest worry of all the churches: large numbers there were failing to attend services. The religious census of 1851 had already shown that the largest towns were the places where there were the fewest worshippers, although nonconformists gained some crumbs of comfort from the knowledge that nonconformist attendances were greater than those of the church of England. Unofficial surveys in the 1880S revealed no improvement. Instead, although few were immediately conscious of it, in that decade the membership of all the main evangelical nonconformist denominations began to fall relative to population. And it was always the same social group that was most conspicuously unreached: the lower working classes, the bottom of the social pyramid. In poor neighbourhoods church attendance was lowest. In Bethnal Green at the turn of the twentieth century, for instance, only 6.8% of the adult population attended chapel, and only 13.3% went to any place of worship. Consequently nonconformists, like Anglicans, were troubled by the weakness of their appeal.


2008 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 354-364
Author(s):  
Andrew Atherstone

The twenty-five theological colleges of the Church of England entered the 1960s in buoyant mood. Rooms were full, finances were steadily improving, expansion seemed inevitable. For four years in succession, from 1961 to 1964, ordinations exceeded six hundred a year, for the first time since before the First World War, and the peak was expected to rise still higher. In a famously misleading report, the sociologist Leslie Paul predicted that at a ‘conservative estimate’ there would be more than eight hundred ordinations a year by the 1970s. In fact, the opposite occurred. The boom was followed by bust, and the early 1970s saw ordinations dip below four hundred. The dramatic plunge in the number of candidates offering themselves for Anglican ministry devastated the theological colleges. Many began running at a loss and faced imminent bankruptcy. In desperation the central Church authorities set about closing or merging colleges, but even their ruthless cutbacks could not keep pace with the fall in ordinands.


2013 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 330-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Bebbington

‘From some modern perspectives’, wrote James Belich, a leading historian of New Zealand, in 1996, ‘the evangelicals are hard to like. They dressed like crows; seemed joyless, humourless and sometimes hypocritical; [and] they embalmed the evidence poor historians need to read in tedious preaching’. Similar views have often been expressed in the historiography of Evangelical Protestantism, the subject of this essay. It will cover such disapproving appraisals of the Evangelical past, but because a high proportion of the writing about the movement was by insiders it will have more to say about studies by Evangelicals of their own history. Evangelicals are taken to be those who have placed particular stress on the value of the Bible, the doctrine of the cross, an experience of conversion and a responsibility for activism. They were to be found in the Church of England and its sister provinces of the Anglican communion, forming an Evangelical party that rivalled the high church and broad church tendencies, and also in the denominations that stemmed from Nonconformity in England and Wales, as well as in the Protestant churches of Scotland. Evangelicals were strong, often overwhelmingly so, within Methodism and Congregationalism and among the Baptists and the Presbyterians. Some bodies that arose later on, including the (so-called Plymouth) Brethren, the Churches of Christ and the Pentecostals (the last two primarily American in origin), joined the Evangelical coalition.


Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann

The passage of the Toleration Act meant religious freedom for non-Anglican Protestants but signaled a fundamental shift in the position of the Church of England in English society. Prior, the Church of England benefited from a government-backed monopoly on legal religious practice in England. The loss of these legal inducements meant that the Church of England had to compete equally, for the first time, in a marketplace of religious ideas. Chapter four exposes how the Church of England responded to this change with pro-music pamphlets advertising the joyful nature of the Anglican service in contrast to the austere practices of other Protestant denominations. It argues that while nonconformists wrote massive treatises arguing fine theological points about music in divine worship, Anglicans produced pamphlets that were addressed to the average reader in terms they could understand. It also connects these pro-music pamphlets to other accessible works written by Anglican propagandists that promote the Church of England in this new marketplace of ideas. Overall, the chapter reveals the previously-unknown propaganda functions of these Anglican music pamphlets and reveals that they were part of a larger, equally unknown, pro-Anglican propaganda campaign that directly responded to the results of the Toleration Act.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-60
Author(s):  
Liz Shercliff

Feminism’s contribution to homiletics so far has arguably been restricted to exploring gender difference in preaching. In 2014, however, Jennifer Copeland identified a need not merely to ‘include women “in the company of preachers” but to craft a new register for the preaching event’. This article considers what that new register might be and how it might be taught in the academy. It defines preaching as ‘the art of engaging the people of God in their shared narrative by creatively and hospitably inviting them into an exploration of biblical text, by means of which, corporately and individually, they might encounter the divine’ and proposes that in both the Church and the Academy, women’s voices are suppressed by a rationalist hegemony. For the stories of women to be heard, a new homiletic is needed, in which would-be preachers first encounter themselves, then the Bible as themselves and finally their congregation in communality. Findings of researchers in practical preaching discover that women preachers are being influenced by feminist methodology, while the teaching of preaching is not. In order to achieve a hospitable preaching space, it is proposed that the Church and the Academy work together towards a new homiletic.


2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-552
Author(s):  
Canon John Tyers

While still a novice, the English Jesuit Charles Plater (1875–1921), through his energy, brilliance, enthusiasm and attractive personality was influential in the foundation of the Catholic Social Guild and other social projects. In particular, he motivated the establishment of retreat houses for working men within the Catholic Church in England, work which he described in his book Retreats for the People. This volume attracted the attention of many within the Church of England, encouraging a number of initiatives which, among other things, led to a significant growth in the numbers of Anglicans who made a retreat and to the establishment of diocesan retreat houses.


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