Articulation of Occupational Programs: From the High School to Community College

1975 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlyle P. Woelfer
Author(s):  
Steven Brint ◽  
Jerome Karabel

During the 1970s, the community colleges were finally able to realize the vocationalization project that visionaries in the junior college movement from Koos to Gleazer had favored for almost half a century. Since the 1920s, as we saw in Chapters 2 and 3, the advocates of junior college vocationalization pursued their project in the face of persistent student indifference and occasional overt opposition. But in the early 1970s, a complex concatenation of forces—among them, a changed economic context and an unprecedented degree of support for vocational education from key institutions—including private foundations, the federal government, and business—tilted the balance in favor of the vocationalizers. A key factor behind the sharp increase in vocational enrollments at the community college, we shall argue, was the declining labor market for graduates of four-year institutions. But the objective change in the structure of economic opportunities for college graduates was not, as the consumer-choice model would have it, the sole factor responsible for the shift in junior college enrollments; indeed, the impact of such objective changes is, of necessity, mediated through subjective perceptions—perceptions that, we shall attempt to demonstrate below, tended to exaggerate the economic plight of college graduates. Moreover, the community college itself, driven by a powerful organizational interest in expanded enrollments and in carving out a secure niche for itself in the highly competitive higher education industry, actively shaped its economic environment by pursuing those segments of its potential market—in particular, adults and part-time students— most likely to enroll in occupational programs. By almost any standard, the rise in vocational enrollments during the 1970s was remarkable. Between 1970–1971 and 1979–1980, for example, the proportion of A.A. degrees awarded in occupational fields rose from 42.6 percent to 62.5 percent (Cohen and Brawer 1982, p. 203). With respect to total enrollments (full-time and part-time) the picture was similar: between 1970 and 1977, the proportion of students enrolled in occupational programs rose from less than one-third to well over half (Blackstone 1978). In the midst of a long-term decline in the liberal arts, Cohen and Brawer (1982, p. 23) observed, “occupational education stands like a colossus on its own.”


2020 ◽  
pp. 004208592090891
Author(s):  
Federick J. Ngo ◽  
David Velasquez

Examining linked academic transcripts from urban community colleges and their feeder high schools, we identify math course-taking patterns that span sectors. We highlight stifled mobility and chronic repetition of math coursework in the transition to college, and we identify “math traps” from which students do not escape. Math mobility was limited, math repetition was rampant, and nearly half of students found themselves in math traps. All else equal, being trapped in math was significantly linked to race/ethnicity, suggesting that these forms of chronic math tracking across sectors expose previously undocumented forms of inequality in educational experiences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
Colleen A. Evans ◽  
Rong Chen ◽  
Ryan P. Hudes

Objective: This study explored how high school and postsecondary academic parameters may relate to the choice of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) major for students beginning their postsecondary education at community colleges. Our study incorporated these two clusters of factors into a statistical model to examine STEM major choice in community colleges. In particular, our study was one of the first to examine the direction and magnitude of the relationship between earned college credits in science laboratories and advanced mathematics and STEM college major selection. Method: We analyzed national data from the Education Longitudinal Study (2002) for students who were in 10th grade in 2002, entered community college as their first postsecondary institution, and declared a college major by 2006. A comprehensive integrated model was analyzed through binary logistic regression with the outcome variable of choice of STEM major or not. Results: We found math self-efficacy in high school, postsecondary introductory science laboratory courses, and postsecondary advanced mathematics courses were each positively associated with the choice of STEM major among community college students. Gender continues to be influential, with women less likely to pursue STEM than men. Contributions: Our study highlights the opportunities the science laboratory holds for engaging beginning community college students interested in STEM fields. The linchpin role of mathematics and science for students aspiring to study STEM is underscored by the findings of this study.


1986 ◽  
Vol 79 (6) ◽  
pp. 402-403
Author(s):  
John T. Gordon

Developmental-studies mathematics is the set of skills that students must possess if they are to be sucessful in beginning college-level mathematics. In most colleges and universities, elementary algebra from the secondary school curriculum is a major part of developmental-studies mathematics. Some arithmetic, or some intermediate algebra, or some of both is also commonly included. Although this content is studied by most college-bound students before they enter their last two years of high school, over 60 percent of all students nationally who enter a community college are required to take developmental-studies mathematics (Griffin 1981). Similarly, in many of the larger universities, this statistic is over 50 percent (Whitesitt 1982).


1991 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Dougherty

Community colleges offer many students an alternative route to achieving a baccalaureate degree. In this article, Kevin Dougherty analyzes data on these institutions to see how effective they are in helping students transfer to and succeed in four-year colleges. After controlling for differences in family background, high school record, and educational aspirations of students entering two- and four-year colleges, the author finds that community college entrants receive fewer bachelor's degrees. While finding a strong case for reform, Dougherty argues that present reformers need to keep in mind the comprehensive nature of the community college and be sure that their reform proposals will preserve rather than diminish the services it offers students. Dougherty then discusses two sweeping reforms: transforming community colleges into four-year colleges, and converting them into two-year branches of state universities.


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