Grammars of reckoning: Redressing racial regimes of property

2021 ◽  
pp. 026377582199966
Author(s):  
Sara Safransky

This paper contributes to emerging conversations at the intersection of critical geographies of property and race by centering political grammars of reckoning and redress. Grammar is more than syntax. It is about structures of language, including the ways that words are arranged, inflected, and imbued with meaning. A focus on political grammars elucidates the rules of reference that make private property appear as a self-evident thing (e.g., the land itself) that one can own. Moreover, it orients discussions of land and property toward the kinds of reparative work necessary to dismantle and move beyond racial regimes of ownership. The paper focuses on North America, specifically the United States, while drawing on salient theoretical insights from a range of scholars and cases. It is oriented around an examination of three modes of reckoning—truth and reconciliation; state redress; and reparations as the reconstruction of society—that overlap but also have distinct meanings with different assumptions about accountability and responsibility and visions for the future. I analyze the political grammars that subtend each and consider how they call us as scholars and people to the urgent task of building more just social worlds.

Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

India’s relationship with the United States remains crucial to its own objectives, but is also ambiguous. The asymmetry of power between the two countries is such that the relationship, if potentially useful, is not necessary for the United States while potentially risky for India. Moreover, the shift of the political centre of gravity of Asia — resulting from the growing rivalry between China and the US — is eroding the foundations of India’s policy in Asia, while prospects for greater economic interaction is limited by India’s slow pace of reforms. The future of India-US relations lies in their capacity to evolve a new quid pro quo in which the US will formulate its expectations in more realistic terms while India would assume a larger share of the burden of Asia’ security.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wyatt Wells

AbstractIn the 1890s, questions about whether to base the American currency upon gold or silver dominated public discourse and eventually forced a realignment of the political parties. The matter often confuses modern observers, who have trouble understanding how such a technically complex—even arcane—issue could arouse such passions. The fact that no major nation currently backs its currency with precious metal creates the suspicion that the issue was a “red herring” that distracted from matters of far greater importance. Yet the rhetoric surrounding the “Battle of the Standards” indicates that the more sophisticated advocates of both sides understood that, in the financial context of the 1890s, the contest between gold and silver not only had important economic implications but would substantially affect the future development of the United States.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (03) ◽  
pp. 599-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Plazek ◽  
Alan Steinberg

AbstractRecent actions in Congress that threaten political science funding by the National Science Foundation (NSF) have caught the attention of political scientists, but this was not the first attack and not likely to be the last. Less than one year ago, the Harper government ended the Understanding Canada program, an important source of funding for academics in the United States and abroad. This article stresses the value of the program and the importance of this funding steam by demonstrating what the grants have done both more generally as well as for the authors individually. In addition, by looking at the political process that led to the end of the Understanding Canada program and the similarities in the attacks on NSF political science funding, this article identifies potential reasons why these funds were and are at risk. We conclude by arguing that normative action in support of political science is a necessity for all political scientists.


1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-558

The second half of the adjourned May 1958 session of the European Parliamentary Assembly was held June 21 to June 27, 1958.1 After holding two ballots, it was decided to recommend Brussels as the site of the European Community's institutions and the future capital of six-nation Europe. The resolution passed by the Assembly recommended that: the executives of the three Communities be grouped in one place; the Assembly's secretariat be located in the same place where the Assembly's standing committees would also meet; the capital be a European district similar to the District of Columbia in the United States; and there might be reasons to hold plenary sessions of the Assembly outside the chosen place, and while in principle all the Community's institutions should be situated in that place, the Court of Justice, the Investment Bank, and the European University could be situated elsewhere if that would facilitate the concentration of the political bodies in one place.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-41
Author(s):  
Gabriel Arsenault

For nearly two centuries, the Amish of Canada inhabited only one province: Ontario. Since 2015, however, Amish families have started to migrate from Ontario to New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Manitoba. This paper seeks to understand both why Amish families felt the need to move out of Ontario and why they chose those specific destinations. It argues that three factors structure Amish interprovincial migrations in Canada: farmland prices, the geography of existing Amish settlements in both Canada and the United States, and the political hospitality of provinces. Most specifically, the paper suggests that Prince Edward Island might be the most Amish-friendly jurisdiction in North America, while Quebec might be the least Amish-friendly jurisdiction of the continent.


2002 ◽  
Vol 6 (28) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Tegnell ◽  
F Van Loock ◽  
J Hendriks ◽  
A Baka ◽  
L Vittozzi

Biowarfare and bioterrorism were subjects that interested few outside a fairly small group of experts until the autumn of 2001. The deliberate release of biological agents through the mail system in the United States completely changed awareness (1), and bioterror moved high on the political and scientific agenda worldwide. The fight against bioterrorism became a key political priority, and several countries, particularly in North America and Europe, took measures to increase preparedness and response capacity to threats and attacks involving the use of biological and chemical agents.


Hypatia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 852-874 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Denike

This paper offers a genealogy of anti-polygamy sentiment in North America, elucidating certain racist and nationalist formations that are implicit in the historical valorization and enforcement of heterosexual monogamy. It tracks the white supremacist and heteronormative logic that conditions the widespread disdain toward polygamy, and that renders it fundamentally different from familial configurations that are associated with national identity. Relating political and philosophical doctrines to the archival documentation and insights of contemporary legal and cultural historians of anti-polygamy sentiment, it elucidates the racial Anglo-Saxonism of Hegel's ruminations on marriage and on the state, and highlights its reverberation within the political philosophy that justified the criminalization of polygamy and its supporting institutions in the nineteenth century and in contemporary immigration policy and same-sex marriage advocacy in Canada and the United States.


1971 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 472-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. William Clewlow ◽  
Patrick S. Hallinan ◽  
Richard D. Ambro

AbstractThe future of field archaeology in some parts of North America is seriously threatened by rampant pot-hunting. Archaeologists should capitalize on popular concern against the looting of foreign antiquities to build better public cooperation for site preservation within the United States.


2021 ◽  
pp. 175069802098877
Author(s):  
Gavriel D Rosenfeld

The essay seeks to explain how and why rightwing populists in Europe, North America, and beyond have developed an “illiberal” politics of memory in opposition to the global liberal memory culture of the past generation. After explaining the rise of “illiberal memory” as a byproduct of the rise of illiberal democracy since 2008, the essay advances a comprehensive typology of the movement’s overall objectives and tactics based on numerous empirical examples from different nations, including Germany, Russia, the United States, Israel, and India. It concludes with some reflections about how illiberal memory is likely to evolve in the future. The essay is the first to advance the concept of “illiberal memory” and present an overall theory of its origins and agenda.


PMLA ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Harold von Hofe

In the monographs and articles dealing with America and the New World in German literature Friedrich Schlegel is usually ignored. There are of course many gaps in our knowledge of America in German literature, as Harold Jantz pointed out in Deutsche Philologie im Aufriß (Berlin, 2nd ed. revised, 1960); the case of Friedrich Schlegel is a striking example. If he is mentioned, as in Paul Weber's America in Imaginative German Literature (1926), Hildegard Meyer's Nord-Amerika im Urteil des deutschen Schrifttums (1929), and in the recently published Amerika im Spiegel des deutschen politischen Denkens (1959) by Ernst Fraenkel, he is represented only by two quotations dating from the last few years of his life. The first treats of the familiar notion that the center of culture might move westward and that the United States would take over the role traditionally played by Europe. In 1792 Herder had asked “O Muse, nimmst du westwârt [sic] deinen Flug?” and in 1818 Platen wrote in his “Colombos Geist”: “Denn nach Westen früchtet die Geschichte, / Denn nach Westen wendet sich der Sieg.” Friedrich Schlegel suggested in 1820 that the shift was conceivable but that it would not take place in his time. Weber, Meyer, and Fraenkel stress SchlegePs underlining of the future, not his concession that the possibility existed. The second quotation is from the seventeenth lecture of the Philosophie der Geschichte (1829) in which he characterized North America as the breeding ground of destructive political principles which initiated an epidemic of revolutions.


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