scholarly journals Social Conflict, National Strife, or Political Battle? Violence and Strikebreaking in Late Habsburg Austria

2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 650-676
Author(s):  
Claire Morelon

This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers’ movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914.

Urban History ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Martin Daunton

The opening lecture of the conference was on a Scottish theme to complement the Scottish venue. Professor JOHN BUTT (Strathclyde) spoke on ‘Working-class housing in the Scottish cities 1900–51’. He began with a fairly traditional picture of working-class housing, which seemed to suggest that it was almost synonymous with slum-dwelling. He also outlined the system of house-letting which operated in Glasgow at the turn of the century, and suggested the impact on the housing market. This system was based upon yearly lets expiring at one date for all but thebottom of the market, where monthly lets were the norm. The main agitation for a change in the letting system came from the mostly ‘respectable’ tenants who occupied yearly-let property, as opposed to the slum-dwellers who rented on a monthly basis. (Regular attenders at the Urban History Group conferences will remember that these themes were discussed in the paper presented by Nick Morgan and Martin Daunton to the Loughborough meeting in 1981; they will also form a major element in Dr Englander's forthcoming book on Landlord and Tenant in Urban Britain 1838–1918.) Professor Butt went on to argue that during the rent strikes of the First World War, it is possible to see a clear distinction between the ‘landlord class’ and the ‘employer class’, the latter not always supporting the view of the former. The final part of the lecture considered the provision of new housing for the working classes after 1918. Detailed figures were provided to support the contention that the building industry and building supplies trade in Scotland were incapable of meeting the demand for new housing from the public sector during the 1930s. He illustrated his argument with specific examples of corporation house-building in Aberdeen, Glasgow, Dundee and Edinburgh.


2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
LAURA GRENFELL

Many transitional countries face the problem of establishing the rule of law in a weak justice sector where a gulf separates local legal norms from national, constitutional norms that are drawn largely from the international sphere. As a case study of East Timor this article challenges simplistic positivist notions about the normative hierarchy of laws within a constitutionally bounded polity. It argues that in transitional countries such as East Timor legal pluralism is important but must be properly tuned to serve the rule of law. Legal pluralism poses certain dangers when it operates without any of the checks or balances that ensure accountability and the promotion of constitutional values such as equality. The rule of law is not served by an informal system where there are no formal avenues of appeal and thus minimal accountability and transparency. A more promising version of legal pluralism that comports with the rule of law is one that empowers the state to monitor local decisions to ensure that they observe the norms set out in East Timor's Constitution.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-131
Author(s):  
Roman Puff

ABSTRACT Between the First World War and the end of the Cold War, Germany and Austria, whose legal cultures were highly interdependent in terms of persons, conceptions, and institutions, saw eleven or twelve fundamentally different regimes, depending on the interpretation of Austria’s status from 1938-45. Lawyers often ensured the legal functioning of these regimes and legitimized their existence. This again affected their notions of law, legality, and justice, and of the principles underlying these concepts, as well as their personal preferences and societal roles. Based on the analysis of about two hundred biographical sketches of Austrian and German lawyers, mostly from the field of public (international) law, of about 2,500 contributions to the leading “(Österreichische) Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht” from 1914 to 1945, and of the respective legal history-literature, this contribution analyzes the relation of Austrian and German lawyers to their respective states and regimes, and outlines the typical patterns of how they were affected by regime changes and how they reacted to them. Proceeding from this analysis, in the second part of this study, the relation between lawyers and the state until the end of the cold war will be illustrated and it will be shown that some typical patterns in the lawyers’ reaction to regime changes can be identified. Also the impact the state-lawyers-relation had on the development of Austria and Germany to stable, functioning democracies will be outlined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 455-470
Author(s):  
Martin Wellings

Balfour's Education Act of 1902, abolishing directly elected school boards and making rate aid available to denominational schools, provoked a storm of opposition from the Free Churches in England and Wales. One response was to refuse to pay the portion of the rate designated for the support of denominational schools; this led to Free Church representatives appearing in court and facing distraint and even imprisonment for non-payment. This article offers a case study of ‘passive resistance’ in Oxford, where opposition to the act was co-ordinated by a Citizen's Education League and the Free Church Council. It sets out the case made by the Free Churches, explores the personnel and denominational identities of the resisters, and assesses the impact of the campaign between 1903 and the First World War.


Author(s):  
Christoph Lind

Jewish Life between Tolerance, Integration, and Anti-Semitism. In the 18th century, Jews were strictly forbidden to settle in Lower Austria, with the exception of Vienna. Only the Toleranzpatent of 1782 made this possible, again under certain conditions. Free movement in the wake of the revolution of 1848 led to the immigration of Jews, mainly from Bohemia, Moravia and Hungary. By 1908, they had founded 15 Kultusgemeinden (Jewish communities), with the associated religious infrastructure, throughout the country. The constitution of 1867 finally made them citizens with the same rights as the majority society. However, anti-Semitism fundamentally questioned their successful integration and physical existence in Lower Austria. Jews, however, did not accept these attacks without resistance, but defended themselves with the means available under the rule of law. During the First World War, they contributed to the ultimately futile war efforts of the Monarchy. They welcomed peace in 1918, but had to look to the future with concern, faced with an anti-Semitism that was more aggressive than ever.


Res Publica ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-614
Author(s):  
Filip Reyntjens

Political and sociological research indicates that the use of consociational techniques has been a major means of ensuring peace and stability in a divided society like Belgium. This paper attempts to cast a first look at another component: what are the legal mechanisms of confiictmanagement in Belgium ? This question is studied on the basis of the case of the school-confiict, which is one aspect of the ideological dividing line ; this was indeed the first to be institutionalised in Belgium. The drafting of the 1831 Constitution was the first great exercise in consensus-seeking and the same approach prevailed over much of the 19th century. It was interrupted, however, during the first «School War» which was waged from 1879 to 1884. After the First World War a number of issues in the educational dispute were settled by way of package-deals, which were an attempt to replace zero-sum games by more-or-less choices. However a second School War erupted from 1950 to 1958. After the 1958 elections the balance of power was such that compromise showed necessary again : this situation led to the «School Pact» which tried to institutionalise consociational solution-seeking in this field. The Pact system was later applied in numerous other fields where mere majoritarian decision-making was discarded.White in the School issue these solutions were not as yet legalised, in later agreements they were.The paper argues that the main aim of these approaches is to avoid adjudication on these issues by third confiict-solvers, such as courts and tribunals. Instead allocation is arranged between the participants to the deal ; these partners are the political parties who claim to represent the whole range of public opinion. In this way «soft law» is created : this development represents a creeping undermining of the Rule of Law.


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