Rape Myths and the Cross-Cultural Adaptation of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale in China

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 1428-1460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jia Xue ◽  
Gang Fang ◽  
Hui Huang ◽  
Naixue Cui ◽  
Karin V. Rhodes ◽  
...  

The study examines the similarities and differences between China and the United States with regard to rape myths. We assessed the individual level of rape myth acceptance among Chinese university students by adapting and translating a widely used measure of rape myth endorsement in the United States, the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (IRMA) scale. We assessed whether the IRMA scale would be an appropriate assessment of attitudes toward rape among young adults in China. The sample consisted of 975 Chinese university students enrolled in seven Chinese universities. We used explorative factor analysis to examine the factor structure of the Chinese translation of the IRMA scale. Results suggest that the IRMA scale requires some modification to be employed with young adults in China. Our analyses indicate that 20 items should be deleted, and a five-factor model is generated. We discuss relevant similarities and differences in the factor structure and item loadings between the Chinese Rape Myth Acceptance (CRMA) and the IRMA scales. A revised version of the IRMA, the CRMA, can be used as a resource in rape prevention services and rape victim support services. Future research in China that employs CRMA will allow researchers to examine whether individual’s response to rape myth acceptance can predict rape potential and judgments of victim blaming and community members’ acceptance of marital rape.

2019 ◽  
Vol 123 (3) ◽  
pp. 929-951
Author(s):  
Francesca Prina ◽  
Julie N. Schatz-Stevens

This study explores the influence of education and religiosity on sexist attitudes towards women and rape myth acceptance in two samples totaling 399 participants from the United States and Italy. Both samples completed a demographic questionnaire that assessed age, area of residence, and racial and gender identification. Three questions about religiosity and three about education were included, as well as the Attitudes Towards Women Survey and the Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression. In the Italian pool, 44 held at least a bachelor’s degree, 108 had completed some college, and 29 completed high school at most, while the United States pool consisted of 83, 123, and 12, respectively. Average self-reported levels of religiousness were M = 3.87 (SD = 3.05) in Italy and M = 5.10 (SD = 2.76) in the United States. In both samples, religiosity was a strong predictor of both sexism and rape myth acceptance, while education was only related to rape myth acceptance and with less strength than religiosity. Moreover, country of residence was an important influence for sexist beliefs along with both religiosity and education; however, for rape myth acceptance, country did not have a significant impact.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunday B. Fakunmoju ◽  
Tina Abrefa-Gyan ◽  
Ntandoyenkosi Maphosa ◽  
Priscilla Gutura

Author(s):  
Boglárka Nyúl ◽  
Anna Kende

AbstractThe Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (UIRMAS) has been widely used for measuring rape myth acceptance. The scale was created in the United States, however studies have shown that rape myth is a culturally and socially embedded phenomenon. Therefore, in order to measure rape myth acceptance in other parts of the world, the scale needs to be validated. Victim blaming and rape myths are both widespread in public reactions to rape in Hungary (i.e., in media reports and public opinion). Furthermore, Hungary can be characterized by a weak feminist movement and scoring low on gender equality measures. Nevertheless, we expected and found the reliability and validity of the Hungarian version of the Updated Illinois Rape myth acceptance Scale (UIRMAS). In Study 1 we conducted a confirmative factor analysis to assess the structural validity of the scale and identified the original factors of UIRMAS on a large convenience sample (N = 758, 25.4% men 74.6% women). In line with previous empirical evidence we also found that men, people with stronger just-world beliefs and higher sexism accepted rape myths more. In Study 2 we again found support for the original factor structure and construct validity of UIRMAS on a nationally representative sample (N = 1007, 49.2% men 50.8% women), and also tested its convergent and discriminant validity. The results suggest that UIRMAS is a valid and reliable scale in the Hungarian context that can, for example, be used for measuring impact assessment of interventions.


SAGE Open ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401667501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Stephens ◽  
Akiko Kamimura ◽  
Niwako Yamawaki ◽  
Haimanti Bhattacharya ◽  
Wenjing Mo ◽  
...  

Rape myth acceptance is an important determinant of sexual assault behaviors. This study explored country and gender differences in rape myth acceptance among undergraduate students in the United States, Japan, and India. Male and female college students ( N = 637) in these three countries participated in a self-administered survey in the fall of 2012 (the United States, n = 206; Japan, n = 215; and India, n = 216). The order of the countries arranged in increasing order of likelihood of disbelieving rape claim was as follows: the United States, Japan, and India. U.S. and Japanese students were less likely to disbelieve rape claims ( p < .01) while U.S. students also were less likely to believe that victims are responsible for rape ( p < .01). Overall, female participants were less likely to believe in the rape myth acceptance, disbelief of rape claim and victims are responsible for rape ( p < .05). Acceptance of rape myth also varied by whether a participant knew about an organization or who do not believe they would seek help for sexual assault. Non-help seeking is associated with rape myth acceptance. This study, which used the same survey and data collection methods, provides comparative information on rape myth acceptance among college students in the United States, Japan, and India, which is not otherwise available, and contributes to providing fundamental knowledge to develop country-specific prevention programs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052110550
Author(s):  
Rebekah E. Urban ◽  
Claudia Porras Pyland

Rape myths are widespread and contribute to a rape culture that excuses and normalizes permissive attitudes surrounding rape and sexual assault. To combat rape culture and decrease sexual assault, many programs focus on reducing rape myth acceptance (RMA). To best assess outcomes of such prevention efforts, we must ensure we are accurately measuring this construct. Current RMA scales are decades old and focus almost exclusively on cisgender women. As such, they are outdated and leave out important experiences of cisgender men and gender diverse individuals. The Gender Inclusive Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (GIRMA) was developed to address such limitations in current measures. Two studies were completed to develop and establish preliminary validation of the GIRMA. Study One included 614 adults in the United States, recruited through Amazon's Mechanical Turk; Study Two included 414 adults in the United States, recruited in the same way. An exploratory factor analysis was conducted with an original pool of 73 items that included myths about the experiences of cisgender women, cisgender men, transgender, and gender diverse individuals. Parallel analysis indicated a single factor structure for measuring rape myths. A confirmatory factor analysis was conducted for Study Two, which supported the single-factor approach. These analyses resulted in a concise, robust, inclusive 18-item scale to measure rape myths. Model fit was excellent, as was reliability. Additionally, construct validity was supported through examining the relationship between the GIRMA and previously validated RMA and sexism scales. The GIRMA offers researchers the ability to fully assess the construct of rape myths in a short, psychometrically sound manner. Future research is needed to investigate the reliability of the GIRMA in other populations.


Sexual Abuse ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107906322110281
Author(s):  
Mara Martini ◽  
Stefano Tartaglia ◽  
Norma De Piccoli

The study aimed to validate the Italian version of the Measure for Assessing Subtle Rape Myths developed by McMahon and Farmer. A sample of 3,915 university students (70.8% female) completed the questionnaire. After an exploratory factor analysis, a confirmatory factor analysis tested the resulting four-factor structure of the Italian Subtle Rape Myth Acceptance (SRMA-IT) Scale (“She Asked for It”; “He Didn’t Mean To”; “It Wasn’t Really Rape”; and “She Lied”), consistent with McMahon and Farmer’s initial hypothesis. The Italian validation did not include items related to intoxication. Internal consistency of the subscales was good (α from .78 to .90). Convergent validity between all subscales and System Justification–Gender was detected: A strong relationship was observed ( r is from .19 to .33; p < .001). The independent-sample T test then showed that women accepted all four rape myths significantly less than men: Effect size is more than moderate for the myth “She Asked for It” (Cohen’s d = .60) and between small and moderate for the other myths ( d is from .35 to .42). Acceptance of rape myths is often associated with higher men’s proclivity to rape and with tendency to raped women’s double victimization (they can be not believed or blamed when they disclose the rape). Having a validated instrument to measure rape myth acceptance can enhance empirical research on this topic and help to develop interventions of prevention both for men in the society and for the first responders to disclosures, also sustaining a culture of respect and of contrast to violence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052091683
Author(s):  
Ashley K. Fansher ◽  
Sara B. Zedaker

An extensive amount of research has been devoted to understanding rape myths, especially in the context of sexual attitudes. Few studies have examined sexual actions as a correlate of rape myth acceptance (RMA). As such, this study utilizes the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) and its four distinct subscales to examine adherence to rape myths and an individual’s view of sex and sexuality in a sample of 1,310 college students. The IRMA was included in its entirety and separated into its four subscales: “She asked for it,” “He didn’t mean to,” “It wasn’t really rape,” and “She lied.” Results indicated that the most impactful variables for all four subscales were adversarial heterosexual beliefs, stereotypical gender beliefs, and being male. The main implications of this study pertain to implementation of programming. Intervention programming should focus on younger males due to their increased adherence to certain rape myths. Furthermore, programs that address not only rape myths but also other traditional and negative belief systems should be employed. Results of this study lend support to the supposition that it is not necessarily individual characteristics that have a large effect on RMA but is instead a strong adherence to traditional belief systems.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 249-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Duff ◽  
Amy Tostevin

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of gender-stereotypical beliefs and associated factors (gender, level of rape myth acceptance (RMA), and occupation) on public attitudes towards rape victims with the aim of establishing whether participant and perpetrator characteristics have effects on individuals’ attitudes towards rape victims. With regards to participants, gender, age, occupation, and the extent to which an individual endorses rape myths were investigated. The authors also considered whether participants’ attitudes were influenced by the occupation of a rapist as described in a vignette looking at occupations deemed to be stereotypically male or female. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 185 individuals participated in the study and were randomly assigned to one of three conditions based on the rapist’s occupation (stereotypically male occupation, gender-neutral occupation or stereotypically female occupation). Participants completed an online survey consisting of a RMA questionnaire, read a short vignette depicting a rape scenario (where they were also informed of the perpetrator’s occupation) and completed a further questionnaire on their attitudes towards rape victims. Results were examined by regression. Findings – The results indicate that both participant occupation and level of RMA significantly contributed to attitudes towards rape victims, however, a statistically significant effect for rapist occupation was not found. Originality/value – Findings are discussed in terms of implications for individuals working within services supporting victims of rape and the potential consequences of holding stereotypical beliefs for rape victims and perpetrators. It is important that research identifies those factors that might bias decision making in the legal system and thus impact upon outcomes for victims and offenders.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslee R. Kassing ◽  
Denise Beesley ◽  
Lisa L. Frey

The relationship of homophobia and gender role conflict to male rape myth acceptance was investigated using a sample of 210 adult men from a Midwestern community. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the ability of certain variables to predict adherence to male rape myths. Those variables were homophobia; success, power, and competition attitudes; restrictive affectionate behavior between men; restrictive emotionality; and conflicts between work and family relationships. Results indicated that greater adherence to rape myths was related to homophobia and more success, power, and competitive attitudes. Additionally, older participants and participants with lower levels of education were more likely to endorse greater adherence to rape myths. Implications of this research include the necessity for more research on male rape myth acceptance, for implementation of educational programs and changes in the socialization process to help dispel these myths, and for mental health counselors to provide unbiased and gender-responsive treatment modalities to male victims who seek help.


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