AGRAVAMENTO DA VIOLÊNCIA DE GÊNERO NO CONTEXTO DA PANDEMIA DA Covid-19

Este trabalho realiza uma reflexão sobre o agravamento da violência de gênero em tempo de pandemia da Covid-19, com uma abordagem em âmbito nacional e internacional. Partindo de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, propõe uma narrativa que se encadeia a partir de elos de compreensão de que raízes da cultura da violência em sociedades capitalistas ocidentais,se retroalimentam para dar suporte à manutenção da ordem burguesa moderna, com parâmetros em um modelo referencial de organização androcêntrico. Esta pesquisarefuta as interpretações equivocadas acerca da pandemia como responsável pelo aumento do fenômeno da violência de gênero, pois tal afirmativa nega a historicidade da violência de gênero. Defende, ainda,que a promoção de autonomia das mulheres, não somente do ponto de vista material, é de suma importância para o enfrentamento da violência de gênero.AGGRAVATION OF GENDER VIOLENCE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE Covid-19 PANDEMICAbstractThis work reflects on the aggravation of gender violence in the time of the Covid-19 pandemic, with a national and international approach. Based on a bibliographic research, a narrative is proposed defending the perception that the roots of the culture of violence in Western capitalist societies support the maintenance of the modern bourgeois order, with parameters in a referential model of androcentric organization. In this research, the misinterpretations about the pandemic as being responsible for the increase in the phenomenon of gender violence are refuted, as this statement denies the historicity of gender violence. It is argued that the promotion of women's autonomy, not only from a material point of view, is of paramount importance for fighting gender-based violence.Keywords: Gender violence. Pandemic. Covid-19. Brazil. World

The Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons and the Challenges of National Security in Nigeria: A Case Study of Adamawa State

The proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) is a major national security challenge in Nigeria. The insecurity resulting from insurgency, banditry, militancy, kidnapping, armed robbery, ethno-religious and communal conflicts have become worrisome in Nigeria. All this, are perpetrated with small arms and light weapons, which are easily concealed and used to unleash violence in the society. There is hardly any week that passes by, without a report of one attack or the other somewhere in Nigeria. Adamawa state is not different as security challenges perpetrated with SALWs have destroyed lives and properties, and displaced a lot of people many of whom are farmers thereby, threatening food security. Again, Boko-Haram insurgency has over the years increased the availability of SALWs in the state. Porosity of Nigerian borders in Adamawa state axis has equally made it much easier for criminals to smuggle in SALWs into the state from neighboring Cameroon. The security agencies that are saddled with the responsibility to check this are complicit, as the bad ones facilitate the smuggling or are themselves sources of SALWs. Today, there is mutual distrust and deep seated grievances among the various ethnic groups co-habiting the state due to injustice. The deep seated grievances have made groups to acquire SALWs for self-help and retaliation. Furthermore, suspicion is commonplace and many people have lost trust and faith in the security architecture of the state government. Thus, people have resorted to the acquisition of SALWs for self-defense. Above all, politicians procure arms for the youths during elections. These arms are never returned as they are used to make ends meet due to poverty and unemployment ravaging the country. It is within the context of this broad narrative that the proliferation of SALWs is situated in Adamawa state nay Nigeria. Therefore, to check this menace, there is need to rejig the security architecture of Adamawa state and indeed Nigeria. Border security must be strengthened through cross-border security arrangement with Nigeria neighbors. The culture of violence in politics must be de-emphasized and the premium attached to political office should be reduced. Poverty and unemployment should be reduced and Justice should be served to all who deserve it. Finally, mutual trust should be encouraged by the government to foster inter-ethnic and religious co-existence and harmony among the diverse people in the state.

Recovering Joy for Young People in the Afterburn of Violence

This article addresses a systemic culture of violence as an inhibitor of joy for young people in North America today. We offer a possibility that the church can use its remaining influence in North American society to address joy in the afterburn of violence in a way that is patterned after the life, death and resurrection of Jesus. We define joy and flourishing through a liberatory theological lens and offer a framework for faith communities to use in helping create cultures in which more young people can reclaim joy in the afterburn of violence. This framework mirrors the way of Jesus by: naming violence as a primary inhibitor to adolescent joy; connecting isolated individuals and organizations who are addressing this issue through liberative pedagogies; building communities of practice which strengthen one another and share contextually adaptable resources, and finally; illuminating practices that lead to new systems of influence and cultural change.

PERAN PENYULUH DALAM UPAYA MEMINIMALISIR BUDAYA CAROK DI WILAYAH KONFLIK DI MADURA

This study aims to analyze the role of Islamic religious instructors in minimizing the culture of physical violence (carok) in solving problems. Through phenomenological qualitative methods, the researcher tries to uncover the factors of cultural behavior that seem to legitimize the culture of violence in resolving social conflicts in the Madurese community. The results of the study found that the word Carok is a word that is attached to the Madurese community, this cannot be separated from the history and geographical conditions of Madura which is surrounded by oceans and barren land conditions. Carok is often done with the aim of maintaining self-respect, especially when entering the realm of women or the wife is seduced by other men, Madura's motto will come out "Angok poteh tolang tenembeng poteh matah (better white bones than white eyes)". The motto continues to be passed down to posterity and even the event often arises from the support of a large family. The role of extension workers is needed to minimize carok culture, of course with various methods that can be accepted by them, namely by a persuasive approach through religious leaders, traditional and cross-sectoral figures such as the police and Koramil.

Laws of War and Peace

Alongside individual murders and crimes, the federal government also confronted in the territories a long-standing borderlands law governing organized violence. Both Natives and whites there conducted larger-scale, often brutal expeditions against each other, often with little or no formal authorization from their ostensible governments. The federal government sought to replace this seemingly pathological culture of violence by imposing a definition of war drawn from the newly adopted U.S. Constitution that made the federal government, and particularly Congress, the sole arbiter and source of legitimate violence against Native nations. The effects of this federal assertion of supremacy differed in the two territories. In the Northwest Territory, the conflict known as the Northwest Indian War expanded earlier practices of borderlands violence under federal auspices. Citizens of the Southwest Territory demanded the same, and nearly got it, in what this chapter terms the war-that-nearly-was. What actually followed in the Southwest Territory instead was an intense, polyvocal legal contest between territorial citizens and officials, Congress, the Washington administration, and the Creek, Cherokee, and Chickasaw Nations over the meaning of the categories of war and peace. Yet again, federal officials failed to establish federal supremacy, but they did succeed in insinuating federal law into territorial life and Indian country, including disputes between Native nations.

Intersectional Dialogue While Combating LGBT-Phobia in Schools

The presence of culture of violence in the school environment, manifested from the language, physical, and social spheres is widely recognized by organizations, which has among its goals encouraging quality education to all, especially to young people. Therefore, LGBT bullying has gained a growing awareness by civil society, especially with regard to its negative outcomes to the formation of youth, forming a psychological and social legacy that has serious consequences for the establishment of a society ruled by the sustainable development principles. In this way, this chapter aims to discuss possible mechanisms to combat LGBT-phobia, especially based on bullying, in order to create a culture of peace in schools. Criticizing, investigating, discussing, and relativizing are crucial alternative methods in order to build a healthy school environment and potentially transformative.

Aggression and Belief in a Just World Among Adolescents from Belarus and Ukraine: A Comparative Analysis

In connection with the spread of a culture of violence in modern society the problem of aggressive behavior of adolescents takes on new impetus. For a comprehensive consideration of this problem, one should take into account not only the intrapersonal and interpersonal aspects of the personality relations system, but also its relations with the world, which can be expressed in the two forms of the belief in a just world — general belief in a just world and personal belief in a just world. 70 Belarusian and 109 Ukrainian adolescents completed two questionnaires: the Buss–Perry Aggression Questionnaire and the Just World Scale by C. Dalbert. It was found that Belarusian adolescents are characterized by lower aggression compared to Ukrainian ones. The relationship between aggression and the two forms of belief in a just world (general and personal belief in a just world) is negative among Belarusians and Ukrainian adolescents. Belarusian and Ukrainian adolescents on average believe that the world is “rather fair”. This indicates a similar view of the world among adolescents in both cultures.